[QUOTE=Michael W Richards;389585]
Hi Michael,
In what ways would it be important to establishing such a pattern for hypothesizing anything about the killer?
Would it have mattered if they were soliciting and why would it have mattered, for the killer?
And what would the killer have thought? Would he have thought they were all soliciting? Is that probable, and why?
And if he did, or did not think so, why would that be of any importance?
Two out of five were soliciting. Is that some indicator for the type of women who became victims? Or is that just a coincidence? If it is a coincidence, is "soliciting" a meaningless variable?
What evidence is there that it would have meant something? For example, the murder sites of the two soliciting victims were very different. One was out in the street, and one was in a yard. What type of serial killer behaviour does this imply, given the "constant" of "soliciting" for those two?
Why was she murdered in such a busy place? And the question is very relevant when we compare the murder site to that of Chapman.
If they were soliciting, there should have been clients. But is seeing women soliciting a trigger for the serial killer - or is it just a matter of the women being out in the streets late at night and therefore a matter of opportunity?
Under which circumstances, and from what evidence, could we construct a narrative - for each victim - where the killer would have thought that they were soliciting, whether they did or did not?
But I would also like to try a narrative where the killer did not care about the women soliciting. Under which circumstances, and from what evidence, could we also construct such a narrative - for each victim?
Why? She was obviously not able to pay the rent.
What would a serial killer in 1888 know about that type of women? What characteristics would he be able to assume they had?
But as I have suggested by posing the above questions, there may have been other "links". Do you think it would be possible for us to make a list of such hypothetical "links", starting with the most important ones? Is there evidence from 1888 we could use for such a list?
And then we could use it to answer my questions.
Regards, Pierre
You can include Kelly in the list above. As many still seem unwilling to concede, establishing a consistent pattern of such behavior for many of the Canonicals is troublesome, and even infrequent participation in solicitous events cannot be accurately determined. Most of it is, as cd illustrates, merely presumptive, not conclusive.
In what ways would it be important to establishing such a pattern for hypothesizing anything about the killer?
Would it have mattered if they were soliciting and why would it have mattered, for the killer?
And what would the killer have thought? Would he have thought they were all soliciting? Is that probable, and why?
And if he did, or did not think so, why would that be of any importance?
Thats why I suggest that we can only use what is known about these women to conclude anything about their particpation in prostitution. And in the cases of the Canonicals, we have evidence that Polly, and Annie, were actively soliciting on the respective nights they were murdered. They as much as admitted so to close friends, and those witness statements are the only evidence in all 5 cases that any of them solicited on the nights they were killed, let alone on a regular basis.
What evidence is there that it would have meant something? For example, the murder sites of the two soliciting victims were very different. One was out in the street, and one was in a yard. What type of serial killer behaviour does this imply, given the "constant" of "soliciting" for those two?
It is assumed Liz Stride was soliciting, yet we have her on a street all but abandoned near 1am.
It is assumed Sailor Man was a client, yet we cannot even be sure that the woman in that scenario was Kate, let alone that the interaction between them was part of any negotiations for fees.
Under which circumstances, and from what evidence, could we construct a narrative - for each victim - where the killer would have thought that they were soliciting, whether they did or did not?
But I would also like to try a narrative where the killer did not care about the women soliciting. Under which circumstances, and from what evidence, could we also construct such a narrative - for each victim?
And the last credible witness to see Mary Kelly alive was Mary Ann Cox, and she saw her enter her room quite intoxicated before midnight, with company. The assumption is that the company was a client..which is pure speculation and contrary to the actual evidence that suggests Mary had little if any opportunity or interest in to turning her room into a squalor brothel since Joe, then Maria, left.
Its very important that any discussions about how the killer meets the victim include this bit of data, because as it stands, the ever present notion that the Jack the Ripper cases are about working street prostitutes being savaged by a stranger who was posing as a client does not have any actual support within the known evidence in 60% of the cases assumed to be by the mythical killer.
That means of course that the evidence in the majority of so called Ripper cases do not show any link between street prostitution and the victims activities on the nights they were killed.
And then we could use it to answer my questions.
Regards, Pierre
Comment