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  • Collins' follow-up article which includes discussion of the "Crick Tunnel mystery:"


    The National Review, Volume 47, March 1906, Pages 145-159

    THE MERSTHAM AND CRICK TUNNEL MYSTERIES: A COMPARATIVE STUDY
    by J. Churton Collins

    "You don't believe in the detective police?" "No, who can believe in them who reads his newspaper and remembers what he reads. Fortunately for the detective department the public in general forgets what it reads. Go to your club and look at the criminal history of our own time, recorded in the newspapers. Every crime is more or less a mystery. You will see that the mysteries which the police discover are, almost without exception, mysteries made penetrable by the commonest capacity through the extraordinary stupidity exhibited in the means taken to hide the crime. On the other hand, let the guilty man or woman be a resolute and intelligent person, capable of setting his (or her) wits fairly against the wits of the police—-in other words, let the mystery really be a mystery—-and cite me a case, if you can (a really difficult and perplexing case) in which the criminal has not escaped. Mind! I don't charge the police with neglecting their work. No doubt they do their best and take the greatest pains in following the routine to which they have been trained. It is their misfortune, not their fault, that there is no man of superior intelligence among them—-I mean, no man who is capable in great emergencies of placing himself above conventional methods and following a new way of his own."

    —-So wrote Wilkie Collins nearly thirty years ago, and so writing he expressed what must be mournfully acknowledged to be no more than the truth—-truth which has during the last three months found very striking and very exasperating corroboration. When in these pages attention was drawn to the deplorable mismanagement of the Merstham case we were not at all surprised that no notice whatever was taken of the facts incontestably established by us, but we were, we own, surprised at the blind obstinacy with which adherence to demonstrably untenable theories on the part of responsible officials rendered, and still renders, all effort to re-open that inquiry nugatory. And now comes this second case, which, bungled in its first stage as miserably as its predecessor, would, but for the intervention of the Press, have gone the same way. Indeed, the indifference or incompetence of those who are officially entrusted with these inquiries has come to such a pass that if it were not for the newspapers no proper investigation of these tragical problems would be so much as attempted. But for the Press the Merstham mystery would have found a ridiculous solution in suicide. To a London daily paper it is solely owing that Mdlle. Rochaïd's death has attracted the attention it deserves. Whether it swelled the list of the atrocious crimes which the imbecility or carelessness of the police and of coroners have allowed to go unpunished, or whether it was the result of suicide or of accident, appears to have been a matter of profound unconcern to those whose duty it was to spare no pains to ascertain.

    And now let us see what this means. The general public, naturally interested in anything which is sensational, and losing all confidence in those who are officially responsible for the conduct of these inquiries, encourage the Press to substitute its representatives for the representatives of the law. A trained journalist, with his keen powers of observation, his susceptibility of impression, and his plastic intelligence, is indeed likely to see very much further into such complicated problems as these cases present, than the most experienced detectives of the average order would be likely to do. Such officers are the slaves of habit and routine, and of all trainings for the solution of nice and difficult problems this is the worst. Their minds and tempers taking their ply from a constantly recurring circle of work and experience, cannot indeed fail to become stereotyped and mechanical. But intelligence without authority is of little avail, and that this interference on the part of the laity should be resented by those who have official dignity to preserve is natural enough. The one thing which would be desirable, but which appears to be impossible, is co-operation ; the two things which, unfortunately for the public interests, are only too glaringly apparent, are mutual distrust and mutual opposition. That the researches instituted by the Press in the Merstham case elicited new and most valuable information, that they furnished fresh clues, and that they also fully and clearly indicated where further clues, which the police only could follow up, might be found, is indisputable, is indeed matter of certain and common knowledge. But how did all this fare? Precisely as the evidence elicited at the inquest fared. Officialdom, ignoring and in defiance of what the Press had discovered, had made up its mind that Miss Money's death was the result of suicide, though the jury very properly returned an open verdict. Investigations were continued. With the assistance of the Press the additional evidence, to which I have referred, demonstrated with absolute •conclusiveness not merely the untenableness of the theory, but the probability in the very highest degree, of murder. Officialdom, however, was not to be shaken. Everything which could be perverted into giving plausibility to the theory adopted by it—-the theory of suicide—-was accepted, everything which demonstrated the impossibility of maintaining such a theory was ignored. Protest and plea were, and still are, unheeded, and in vain. Officialdom was on its dignity, and in consequence, as is all but certain, a murderer is at large.

    No one would wish to speak disrespectfully of any staff officer belonging to our central detective department. A more intelligent, painstaking, and conscientious body of men, taking them as a whole, does not exist; but they have their limitations, and, what is more, though on attaining a certain rank they have equal weight and authority, the differences between them in point of competence and capacity are so extraordinary as to be scarcely conceivable. In the Merstham case, more than a week elapsed before assistance from Scotland Yard was applied for, and no blame, therefore, can be attached either to its chiefs or to its staff for the gross mismanagement of the inquiry at its initial stages. That belongs solely to those who were responsible for what occurred during the period intervening between the discovery of the body and the first inquest, and for the conduct of the inquest itself. But for what immediately preceded, accompanied, and followed the adjourned inquest and verdict, the official representative of Scotland Yard must certainly be held mainly responsible. The decision at which he arrived, and to which he obstinately adhered in the teeth of the evidence, in defiance of the equally incontestable testimony elicited by subsequent investigation, as well as of probability or, rather, of possibility, has effectually put the closure on further inquiry. An official, all officials to a man stand by him; in authority, all in authority are with him. The rest is silence.

    Let us glance at the evidence. What said the two doctors who conducted the post-mortem examination of Miss Money's body?

    There was a bruise on the upper part of the left arm and inside the forearm. Also a bruise on front part of upper part of right arm, and also another bruise on the inner side of the forearm. Several bruises on right hand and wrists, as if done by her being gripped. There was a reddish mark on the right side of the lower lip, close to the mouth;

    —it will be remembered that when the body was found "ten or twelve inches " of the silk scarf which the poor girl was wearing were pulled out of the mouth, and pulled out with some difficulty, leading to the supposition that it had been jammed into the mouth presumably for the purpose of gagging her—-

    these injuries are consistent with something having been pushed into the mouth.

    So deposed the first doctor, Dr. Halkeyt Crickett. What said the expert from the Home Office?

    There were three very distinct bruises around the mouth. The bruises were small, about half an inch in diameter, slightly raised on the surface and pale red in colour. One was on the upper lip, a little to the right of the middle line. One was close to the angle of the mouth on the right side. One was on the upper lip to the right of the middle line; this was distinct, but less pronounced than the corresponding bruise on the upper lip. ... I attac [sic] great importance to the slight but distinct bruises of a pale red or bluish colour present on the right arm and hand; also to the broken nail on the right forefinger; to the bruise under the right clavicle; to the scratches on the right shoulder and the bruise below, and also to the bruises round the mouth. These have not the appearance of being produced by a fall from the train. They are such as might have been caused by firm pressure, e.g., the grip of the fingers in a struggle with some person, or received as injuries in a struggle. It is significant that the above injuries should be present on the right hand and arm and around the mouth, while the bruises of this character are absent from the left hand and arm. It is usual to find more bruising on the right side in cases of a struggle where the right hand is used in self-defence.

    Such was the medical evidence. The impossibility of opening the door of the railway-carriage more than eight inches at that part of the tunnel where the body was found; the marks on the walls of the tunnel; and the absence of any thick coating of grime on the gloves, as the expert from the Home Office pointed out, show that the unfortunate girl was either precipitated or tipped backwards through the window. That she got on to the line through the open door was demonstrated to be a physical impossibility. The evidence showed as conclusively, as any evidence short of ocular testimony could show, that her death succeeded a struggle with some powerful assailant, who either threw her or dropped her into the tunnel through the open window. It is all but certain that the train by which she travelled was the 9.13 from London Bridge. Now, a few miles from where the body was found a signalman saw in one of the compartments of that train a man and a woman who appeared to be struggling.

    The man standing up and trying to force the woman on the seat. . . . The woman was about five feet four or five, stoutly built. I think she had on a black dress. I think the hat was black. She appeared to be wearing something white, which was hanging down from the back of her hat. The man had on a bowler hat and was broad.

    This was an exact description of the deceased woman, the "something white" corresponding to a long white scarf whioh she was wearing when she left home, and which, or rather a portion of which, was found jammed in her mouth after her death. The way in which this important witness's evidence was received, and the comments which it elicited, are an excellent illustration of how this case fared generally with those who conducted it. It was assumed that, in a train passing the signalbox where he was stationed at thirty miles an hour, it was impossible for him to see what he alleged he did see. Now it would be no exaggeration to say, as every man on signal-service knows, that in a lighted train much exceeding that speed it is not only possible to see all that this witness asserts he saw, but very much more. If attention happened to be directed to a particular compartment in a carriage, any one could easily be identified; it could even be discerned whether a man had a moustache or not, or whether his complexion was fair or dark. The least that those who discredited the evidence of this witness could have done would have been to test his credibility by personal experiment.

    With all this pointing to murder, what iota of evidence or indication is there pointing to suicide? By the general consent of literally every one who was intimately acquainted with the deceased woman,—-her companion and colleague who was with her on the day of her death, her employers, her many friends, her mother and her brothers, she was as contented and happy as any human being could possibly be. She had money in the bank, was in robust health, and had nothing to depress or disturb her. But assuming that all this evidence against such a theory did not exist, and that she might for some inscrutable reason have wished to destroy herself—-is it within the bounds of credibility that she would have left Clapham Junction and taken a ticket to Victoria or to London Bridge deliberately changed into another carriage at Croydon, and all this that she might hurl herself from a train when so many equally certain and less painful and revolting forms of death were within her choice? Is it conceivable that she would have thrown herself, and thrown herself backwards, out of the window, for that she went out of the window is certain, and that she went backwards out of it is all but certain?

    Is it too much to say that a sane man who contended that this was a case of suicide must either have been lamentably ignorant of the facts, or if acquainted with them, as incompetent as Dogberry or Bumble to reason on them, or appear to be recklessly running some danger of justly exposing himself to sinister suspicion. As neither of these alternatives can, in fact, be the case, sheer perplexity at the turn things have taken is all that is left to us. What is certain is this. The acceptation of the theory of suicide on the part of those without whose assistance no really furthering steps towards the elucidation of this mystery can be taken, has paralysed every attempt to unravel it. Private investigation has since elicited fresh testimony of the utmost importance, but officialism is deaf to it. So inadequate and perfunctory was tht inquiry that there was scarcely a witness called who has not much, and very much, to add to what he then deposed. The family of the deceased girl are in possession of facts which they had no opportunity of communicating. But all was, and is, of no avail. The monstrous theory adopted by the officer who had all the weight and authority incident to his position gave the wrong turn to this inquiry at its most critical stage, and at no later stage is it likely, at least in official hands, to take the right one.

    That the unfortunate woman met her death directly or indirectly at the hands, or in consequence of the conduct, of some one with whom she was travelling is as certain as anything dependent on circumstantial evidence can be; that she was, where she was when she met her death, by appointment; that that appointment had been made not by letter or telegram but by word of mouth; that it had been made with her assailant who was well known to her,that he was a broad man, in a bowler hat and a grey suit;* and that immediately before her journey she had had some meal at an hotel or restaurant, rests on evidence almost equally certain. It will be seen that we have here important particulars which, if properly investigated, might have furnished clues. How did this evidence fare? First, as we have seen, the whole of it was discredited by the adoption of the theory of suicide, the consequence being that the most crucial part of the inquiry was conducted, if my information be correct, in an incredibly loose and perfunctory way. What might have greatly assisted the identification of the murderer—-the evidence of the signalman—-was ignored on the assumption that it was physically impossible for him to see what he alleged he saw. The futility of the method adopted for ascertaining whether the deceased woman and her companion visited any restaurant on the night of the tragedy speaks for itself. Is it likely, considering what such an admission would involve, that any proprietor or waiter in such places as these would, if they possessed it, volunteer such information? Obtained it could be, no doubt, but only as it is obtained in Germany and France. The result of all has been exactly what might have been anticipated; another murderer is at large, another atrocious crime has been added to the ghastly list of its predecessors.

    [Note:] •This detail was not given, or at least recorded, at the inquest, but was communicated by the witness to the present writer.

    In this case, and herein lies its importance, we have a comprehensive illustration of the infirmities, or, to speak more correctly, of the imbecility of the present methods of criminal investigation. A body is found under circumstances which point conclusively to suicide or murder. The first thing done is to obliterate testimony which would have settled beyond doubt whether it was a case of the first or a case of the second by a stupid constable dragging out of the mouth of the corpse the long folds of a scarf, thus rendering it impossible to determine with certainty whether it had been forced in by external violence or whether it had worked itself in by some other means. Next the body is allowed to lie without any medical man being called to inspect it, until far past the noon of the day succeeding its discovery. Then comes the inquest. Though the case is confessedly pregnant with suspicion, the utmost laxity characterises the proceedings. One of the principal witnesses is not cross-examined at all; the statements of another, not less important, though plainly difficult to reconcile with probability, and certainly requiring corroboration, are accepted without question; that of a third, though of the utmost significance, is dismissed with ignorant contempt as irreconcilable with possibility; the evidence of the doctor who conducted the post-mortem examination, as well as that of an expert from the Home Office who assisted in that examination, is simply ignored. Everything points to murder, nothing points to suicide; but for some mysterious reason, "the officers in charge of the case" are adamant against the probability of the first and equally in favour of the probability of the second. The whole case cries aloud for further adjournment, at every step in it additional evidence being wanted and, it may be added, easy to procure.

    Mismanagement and misdirection in the earlier stages of such inquiries as these, in the period, that is to say, preceding the inquest and at the inquest itself, are commonly irreparable. In a few days the scent cools, the tracks are covered; impressions made on witnesses become blurred; and, what is worse, mingled and confounded with impressions subsequently formed. The value of evidence, especially in the case of unskilled witnesses, is in exact proportion to its proximity to the experience of which it is the testimony. Nor should it be forgotten, as in these inquiries it too commonly is, that in the case of the great majority of witnesses the chances are that the evidence which is most important will not, for various reasons, be volunteered but must be elicited. Had this been remembered in the present case, had every witness-in-chief been closely and judiciously questioned, a very different issue would, in all probability, have resulted. Certainly the preposterous theory which is mainly responsible for the perverted turn things have taken would have been exploded.

    There is, I repeat, no mystery about the manner in which Miss Money met her death. All the evidence adduced at the inquest, and all the evidence which has been collected since, place it beyond doubt that she was murdered, possibly deliberately, probably under circumstances which might conceivably reduce the crime to manslaughter.

    But the death of Mdlle. Rochaïd is a mystery indeed. It may be questioned whether a problem of this kind, so elaborately complicated and so apparently insoluble, has ever before presented itself in real life. At first sight it might seem to have many analogies, and to admit of a very simple solution. But closer inspection will very soon disabuse us of any such idea, and the further we proceed in inquiry the greater becomes our perplexity. Its early history is the history of the Merstham case over again. A scandalously perfunctory inquiry—-uncomplicated, however, with ridiculous theories—-closing prematurely in an open verdict, would, but for the efforts of the Daily Mail, have relegated this tragedy to the limbo of undistinguished and unremembered casualties. Once again we owe to the Press what we have a right to expect, but too often expect in vain, from official responsibility—-the proper investigation of matters which are of the deepest concern to the security of society and the revision of misdirection.

    As this extraordinary case is still under investigation, and as Mdlle. Rochaïd's friends and family do not yet despair of a solution of the mystery, it may be well to state the facts, disengaging them from the fictions which have already entangled them. Our readers may rest satisfied that no pains have been spared to secure exact accuracy in all the details here given. I am indebted for some, and for the verification of others, to the Vicomte de la Chapelle, and to personal interviews with almost every one, whether officials or private persons, who have been able of their own experience to assist inquiry.

    Mdlle. Lily Yolande Marie Rochaïd was the only daughter of Count Rochaïd, Sans Souci, Dinard. She was eighteen years of age, and was a remarkably bright, healthy, and intelligent girl. For some two years and a half she had lived in England at Princethorpe Priory, the well-known Roman Catholic seminary, about eight miles from Rugby, where she was being educated. To Princethorpe and to her teachers and fellow pupils there she was warmly, indeed passionately, attached, regarding the Prioress as a second mother and the Priory as her home. Her Christmas holidays she spent in France, partly in Paris and partly with her father at Dinard. Her letters show that she was longing to return to Princethorpe, and early in the third week in January she was joyfully beginning to prepare for her journey. But before leaving Dinard she took rather a strange step. She visited the cemetery with a servant and selected a plot of ground, saying she would like to be buried there, "with plenty of white flowers," supposing "anything happened." She also requested an intimate friend to see that masses were said for her in the event of "anything happening," and further emphasising this request, instructed a servant to take some of her money from the bank for that purpose "should it be necessary." But this need not be supposed to have any particular significance, as she had recently been greatly depressed at the Hilda disaster, witnessing the funerals of the bodies washed up near Dinard and attending one of them. On Wednesday, January 24, she left St. Malo for Southampton, her father accompanying her to the boat. While on the boat she made the acquaintance of Miss Scally, a London lady, who was a hospital nurse and who had been staying at Dinard. "We were," said Miss Scally, "chatting together during the passage and she talked to me about Princethorpe and her friends there, and how she was looking forward to seeing them. She seemed to me a bright, level-headed girl, in no way worried, distressed, or agitated. The only fear she expressed was that the boat would be late and that she would miss the 12.15 train from Euston, and to this she referred more than once." It may be explained that if she missed that train she would lose the connection with the train which would take her from Rugby to Marton, and this, unless she chose to wait at Rugby or drive some nine miles, would involve a long wait of more than two hours at Euston. Miss Scally did not travel in the same carriage with her when the train left Southampton for Waterloo, but on arriving at that station, a minute or two before twelve o'clock, she saw her on the platform getting her luggage together preparatory to calling a cab. "We shook hands," said Miss Scally, "and said good-bye. She was in good spirits and gave no indication of agitation." A cab was procured and she was driven straight to Euston. The cabman who drove her says that "she was in good spirits and seemed a bright, businesslike girl used to travelling alone." On arriving at Euston she found she had missed the 12.15 train, and at once sent a telegram to Princethorpe. It was open to her to leave for Rugby either by the 1.30 or the 2 o'clock train, and the fact that she did not do so, though accounted for by the broken connection with Marton, is perhaps a little strange, especially when read in the light of what followed. It was certainly open to her to take a conveyance from Rugby to Princethorpe, as she had done, it seems, before, and Father Hand, who is the rector of Princethorpe, in his evidence expressed surprise that she had not taken this step. That her preference for a long wait at Euston was deliberate is proved by her telegram requesting that a cab should meet her at Marton at 5.20.

    Everything which can throw light on her movements and on her state of mind between her arrival at Euston and her departure is obviously of the utmost importance. And these facts are certain. The remarkably firm and steady handwriting displayed in the original draft of the telegram despatched from Euston shows no sign of excitement or agitation, and in a young woman of Mdlle. Rochaïd's sensitive and somewhat neurotic temperament, this could not have failed to express itself had any such emotions possessed her. At Euston at least six persons, beside the cabman who drove her from Waterloo, had communication with her, five of whom have proffered evidence: the porter who conveyed her luggage from the cab, the porter who conveyed it to the train, the interpreter who conversed in French with her.the woman in charge of the ladies' waiting-room, the ticket-collector, and an unknown person who had a long conversation with her on the platform not long before the train started. With the exception of the ticket-collector, all these witnesses, except, of course, the unknown person who has not come forward, agree in saying that they noticed nothing unusual in her manner or expression. But this is obviously of no significance one way or the other. Porters confine themselves to their duties and are not observant; with the interpreter she exchanged only a few sentences. In one of the ladies' waiting-rooms she sat, indeed, for upwards of an hour, but her intercourse with the attendant began and ended with a request that she might wash her hands and brush her hair; and as the attendant happens to be a very old woman utterly indifferent to everything but her ordinary functions, it is not surprising that all she can communicate is of a negative kind. But two witnesses are able to communicate what may possibly contribute importantly to the solution of the mystery. Not very long before the train started a porter saw her in conversation with a lady, of whose appearance and dress he can give a very exact description. He watched them for some moments, and then, having to attend to his duties, he lost sight of them. What became of the unknown lady he does not know, but he is inclined to think she must have entered the train in which Mdlle. Rochaïd travelled, as he did not see her on the platform when the train left the station. Every effort has been made to trace and induce this lady to come forward, but without success. It is this circumstance which makes the evidence of the other witness, the ticket collector, who saw and talked with Mdlle. Rochaïd immediately after her interview with the stranger, so significant. I may preface what follows by observing that the testimony of this witness is the more valuable because of the proof he gave collaterally of the deliberation and accuracy of his observation. He said that he noticed on the seat near Mdlle. Rochaïd a newspaper, and he believed, though he could not certainly say, that it was the Daily Mail. It came out at the inquest that a newspaper was on the seat beside her, and it was that particular paper. I will give his evidence exactly as he gave it to me.

    Mdlle. Rochaïd was in such an excited and agitated state that I could not help noticing it. I had to ask her twice for her ticket, and after I had examined and clipped it, I had again to direct her attention to the fact that I was returning it. She had a crumpled newspaper on the seat beside her, as though she had crumpled it up. She asked at what stations the train stopped between Euston and Rugby, and how long it would be before it stopped, and what time it got in—-and I told her. When I closed the door, I stood a short way from the carriage on the platform; I noticed that she got up from her seat two or three times, and looked out of both the windows, but kept looking out of the window next the platform, up and down the platform, and as the train moved out of the station she was still looking up and down the platform.

    We have thus ample warrant for assuming that when she arrived at Euston she was perfectly cheerful and collected, but that when she was there something occurred which disturbed and excited her, and till the lady who had the interview with her comes forward and explains we are justified in supposing that her excitement was occasioned by something which passed in that interview. Her nervous and anxious scrutiny of the platform seems to imply that she wished to ascertain whether this person was remaining behind or had entered the train. She was in.the first compartment, second-class, facing the engine of the carriage in which she travelled, next behind it was a luggage box, and behind that a first-class, and then a second class smoking compartment, and these made up the coach, which was numbered 1156. Her seat faced the engine and would, on the train leaning the station, look on to the six-foot way, being however next the platform at Euston, Northampton, and Rugby, so that the door out of which she fell on to the line was the door nearest to her when she left Euston. She was certainly alone when she left Euston, unless some passenger was concealed under the seat, which was physically possible, as the space upwards from the floor was 9 1/2 inches, but improbable in the highest degree. Whether any one got in at Willesden, the first stop, cannot be ascertained. At Bletchley, the next stop, as there was a great rush of passengers for Northampton, it is probable that more than one passenger entered the carriage. Whether she was alone between Northampton and Crick is the all important point. This only is known. The station-master at Northampton was on the platorra when the train came in, but neither he, the guard, nor any of the station officials noticed any young woman in a second-class carriage, nor was any one seen to enter such a compartment at that station. Three second-class tickets were issued for the train at Northampton, but the owners, if I am rightly informed, have been identified. Of one thing the station-master was quite certain, that no carriage door was open, but that all the handles were in place and secure when the train left the station, and this was corroborated by the guard. The train entered the Crick tunnel at its usual high speed at or about 4.40. At 4.47 it steamed into Rugby, wh«n it was observed that the door of a second-class compartment was swinging wide open. On the carriage being inspected a handbag bearing Mdlle. Rochaïd's initials and a newspaper were found on the seat. There was not the slightest indication of any struggle, not the slightest misplacement of the carpet or of the cushions, nor has subsequent minute scrutiny discovered anything indicative of disturbance. It must, however, be noted that the carriage was not retained, but, going on with the train, continued to be used for ordinary traffic, so that it was not submitted to expert examination till all traces of any slight derangement would naturally have disappeared.

    About six o'clock that evening the body of Mdlle. Rochaïd was found in Crick Tunnel. It was lying with the head against the rail of the up-line about 190 yards from the Northampton end. It had evidently been dragged about thirty yards from where it had first struck the ground, for at that distance from it there was a distinct indentation in the loose granite and rubble of the permanent way, while displaced stones marked the course of its terrible career. If she had been murdered robbery had not been the motive, for the money in her two purses was intact, and of her ornaments nothing was missing but one small and not valuable bracelet and a silver medal attached to a thin gold chain recording her admission to a religious guild. Nor, as the post-mortem inspection showed, had she been criminally assaulted. There were also—-such at least is the medical report—-no indications that she had received any injuries except those which could be accounted for by her fall from the train. It must, however, be remembered, and we may add regretted, that the autopsy was not conducted by an expert. All we have to rely on for evidence on which so much depended, is the report of a general practitioner casually called in and quite unassisted. Two things seem clear. So mutilated was the poorgirl's body,so torn, dishevelled,and soiled her clothes that had she had any struggle with an assailant its effects would have been indistinguishable from the effects resulting from the dragging by the train; and, secondly, as the front part of the body was comparatively free from injuries it seems highly probable that she must have been precipitated backwards on to the line.

    Such is the evidence on which any attempted solution of this problem must be based: obviously all that can be deduced from it is the determination of the direction in which the balance of probability inclines. Mdlle. Rochaïd's terrible death must have been the result either of accident or of panic terror inducing her to fling herself on to the line, or of suicide deliberate or impulsive, or finally of murder. Accident, may surely be eliminated. We have it on evidence which cannot be questioned that when the train left Northampton all the doors of the carriages were closed and the door handles in place and secure. When the train arrived at Rugby the glass window of the carriage in which she travelled was up, therefore she could not have fallen out in her attempt to raise it on entering the tunnel, for the act could not possibly have been completed on her fall. Mr. G. R. Sims's ingenious theory that she fell on the line in attempting to disengage her dress, on a portion of which a passenger alighting at Northampton had closed the door, is surely equally improbable. In the first place, she was wearing a tight-fitting body [?] which closely compressed her dress, and so made such an accident practically impossible. In the second place, supposing some part of it the dress had got loose and become impeded, is it likely that she would have travelled some fifteen miles before she discovered the impediment. Had she opened the door, too, less than an inch—-which can be done in that tunnel, or in any tunnel, with perfect ease and safety—-it would have sufficed for her purpose, and we have it on evidence that she was used to travelling and remarkably self-possessed. It may therefore be questioned whether she would have taken such a step at all, if she took it we may be quite sure she would, knowing the peril she incurred, have been very cautious. The handle of the door, which is a double-locking safety handle, and somewhat stiff, too, in its working, could not by any;conceivable accident have got turned. The door must have been deliberately opened. That she jumped out through the panic caused by a sudden attack of claustrophobia is an hypothesis absolutely untenable, and by the general testimony of all who knew her most intimately too absurd to be discussed. Of such a disease, though constantly in positions where, had it existed, it could not have failed to disclose itself, she never showed the slightest symptom.

    But the theory that she may have been alarmed by some one in the carriage is by no means improbable. Such a person might have entered at any stage in her journey, as there is no evidence that she was alone after leaving Willesden. If this was the case, the person responsible for what l«d to her death must have left the carriage between Crick Tunnel and Rugby. This was certainly possible, but the possibility is limited. The speed at which the train was running would have effectually prevented escape till the platform at Rugby was reached. The inspector who saw the opened door, as soon as the train came in, is confident no one left the carriage at any part of the platform within his view, and that no one could have left it by the off door, because an engine, with its driver and stoker, was standing on the off-rails, and there were other men about who must have seen any one descend. If such an escape was made, it must have been at the extreme end of the platform, when the train would have slackened speed to about six miles an hour. A person so descending would have been a conspicuous object, dusk though it was, and could not, moreover, unless hew as an expert, have done so without great peril of serious injury, for he must have left from the footboard, a distance 4 1/2 feet from the ground. It may, therefore, be assumed that if the carriage was left after Crick Tunnel was passed, it could only have been left by some one who was accustomed to such exploits, or who had studied the art of them, possibly by the foot-board into another compartment of the coach—-those next and next but one to Mile. Rochaïd were empty-—possibly on to the extreme end of the platform, or even before that was reached. A man who is accustomed to such things can easily alight from a train when it is running from twelve to fourteen miles an hour; a man who is not would incur peril if its speed exceeded four. On the whole, then, we may feel pretty sure that the person, if such person there was, who wished to escape from the consequences of having occasioned Mdlle. Rochaïd's death was no ordinary passenger.

    In all these hypotheses we have not probability even in a low degree. But the evidence and presumption pointing to the probability of suicide or of murder by some one who was either used to, or who had studied the art of, leaping from a train travelling from six to eight miles an hour are much stronger, and certainly justify very serious consideration.

    It is quite clear that Mdlle. Rochaïd was of a highly sensitive, keenly susceptible, impulsive, and if "self-possessed" yet of somewhat neurotic temperament. There is ample testimony that radiant and sunny as her disposition was, she suffered at times from great depression. Her action in the cemetery at Dinard a few days before her death, and her requests to one of her friends and to her servant, though capable of an explanation which may have no significance in this direction, are at least indicative of a certain morbidness. That she left Euston in a very agitated state cannot be doubted. Her passionate attachment to Princethorpe and to her teachers and fellow pupils there, in whom her strongest affections were evidently centred, seem to have inspired her with a passionate, haunting sense of regret that the time was not far off when she must leave them, and she was leaving them, it seems, at midsummer. If all this was in her mind, if, moreover, there was anything associated with the memories of the place, disturbing or distressing, it would be then, as she was nearing it, that, impulse would be most tyrannous. She must have known that tunnel well, for she had frequently passed through it, and had self-destruction occurred to her it was there that it would have been likely to have suggested itself. But to all this there is much, and very much, to oppose. There is no evidence at all that the idea of suicide had ever been in her mind, or that she had ever had any reason for entertaining it. She was not merely religious, but enthusiastically religious, and her religion must have taught her that such an act would be a sin of the greatest magnitude. There is, it is true, no accounting for the turn which impulsive natures, under a great stress of excitement, will take; even religion will be perverted into the justification of what it most condemns. But the balance of probability surely inclines, and inclines very decidedly, towards the theory which involves none of the difficulties involved in the theory of suicide. We have only to assume that her death was caused by a person who could descend from a train travelling from twelve to fourteen, or even from six to eight miles an hour, or who could, when it was in mid career, make his way along the footboard from one carriage to another. The man may have been a homicidal maniac, or he may have been a sane man with some definite object in making away with her. That many such miscreants as the first are at large is certain, and the police know it.

    But putting aside the theory of homicidal mania, it surely ought to be ascertained whether any one had anything to gain by the death of Mdlle. RochaId. And no pains ought to be spared to identify the stranger who conversed with her at Euston, and whose conversation appears so greatly to have upset her. It is certainly within the limits of possibility that that person was a man in disguise, and that that person entering the train got access in the course of the journey to the compartment in which she travelled, and was her murderer. That if probabilities be weighed and balanced, probability points, and points decidedly, to murder, can admit of no question.

    ----end

    Comment


    • I have not knowledge at all about the Crick Tunnel Case. It does sound very mysterious though.

      Jeff

      Comment


      • Pics of Money and Rochaid.

        The Sketch, October 5, 1904, Page 442

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        The Sketch, January 11, 1906, Page 61

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        Comment


        • Two accounts of an 1881 railway murder which may have begun at the Merstham Tunnel. One allegedly by a railway worker who found a piece of evidence; the other from a man who may have escaped being the victim.

          Survivor's Tales of Famous Crimes (London: cassell and Company, 1916), Pages 118-134
          edited by Walter Wood

          THE BRIGHTON RAILWAY MURDER

          [in 1881 a profound sensation was caused throughout the country by the murder of Mr. Frederick Isaac Gold in a first-class compartment of an express train from London Bridge Station to Brighton. The murderer, Percy Lefroy, alias Mapleton, escaped from custody in the most astonishing manner, and remained in hiding for more than a week. His arrest was a matter of such intense interest that it was made known at the Lord Mayor's banquet and in the House of Commons. An important witness in the case was Mr. Thomas Picknell, and this is his story of the crime.]

          Just on this spot where we are standing—-in the six-foot way—-I picked up a collar on the afternoon of June 27th, 1881. It was an ordinary turn-down collar of the type very common in those days, but there was an extraordinary thing about it, and it was this: the collar was covered with blood. I examined the collar, and so did my mate, who was with me. Having done so, I let it drop back into the six-foot way.

          I was a ganger at that time, and it was my duty to examine a certain section of the line twice every weekday and once every Sunday. I was carrying out that task when I found the collar.

          In spite of the stains I did not think much of the discovery, for I supposed that a passenger had scratched his neck and had taken the collar off and thrown it out of the window of a passing train. All sorts of odd things are disposed of in this manner.

          After throwing the collar back into the six-foot way we walked on to Balcombe Station, about three-quarters of a mile away, and there I was startled to hear that another mate of mine, named Thomas Jennings, had found the dead body of a man in Balcombe Tunnel. Balcombe, as you see, is a quiet little country place, with not much going on, but it suddenly became very busy and famous, for a crime had been committed which filled the country with horror and was the thing that was mostly talked about for many a long day.

          I soon learned what had happened. Jennings had walked through the tunnel to do some haymaking, and, having finished, he was walking back towards the station, carrying a naphtha lamp with him. He had got almost exactly in the middle of the tunnel when he found the body lying in the six-foot way-—that is, of course, the space between the two sets of metals. At that time the cause of death was not known, and I don't suppose that any time was lost in trying to find out. The main thing was to report the affair at the station and get the body out of the tunnel.

          There was great excitement all at once. An engine and a brake were got—-a brake such as a guard uses on a goods train—-and the engine took a number of us into the tunnel to get the body up and bring it on to Balcombe. It was a gloomy business, and a strange scene it was as we gathered round the body in the six-foot way, working by the lights of our naphtha lamps—-just the sort of lamps you see at fairs and lighting costers' carts at night. The task was very difficult, too, because of the constant traffic through the tunnel, which caused us time after time to get into the manholes for shelter.

          We were in the tunnel about an hour, because we had to wait for a policeman. At the end of that time we had got the body into the brake, and it was drawn by the engine to the station and carried to the "Railway Inn," where it was put in the coach-house.

          When we first saw the body it was lying on its back, with the head towards Brighton. Even in the gloomy light of the tunnel it was evident that terrible injuries had been caused, for the face was covered with blood, and on this the black dust from passing engines and the ballast had settled thickly, making the features look as dark as a negro's. It was clear enough that murder had been done, and that there had been a long and fierce struggle before Mr. Gold was lying in the middle of Balcombe tunnel.

          I first picked the collar up—-it was soon secured, of course, in view of the discovery of the body—at about a quarter to five. By that time an extraordinary thing had happened at Preston Park Station, just outside Brighton.

          A ticket-collector, on opening the door of a first-class compartment, found a young man in it who had neither hat nor collar, who was covered with blood, and who was looking as if he had been badly knocked about. Blood was spattered all over the compartment, and the young man, Percy Lefroy, asked for a policeman to be sent for. When one came he declared that when he left London Bridge two men were in the compartment with him, one of them an elderly person, and the other looking like a countryman.

          Lefroy said that on entering a tunnel he was murderously assaulted by one of the men and became insensible, and that he knew nothing more until he reached Preston Park. While he was telling his tale it was noticed that a watch-chain was hanging from his shoe, and on his attention being called to this circumstance he explained that he had put his watch there for safety.

          Lefroy was allowed to keep the watch and chain and to go on to Brighton, the policeman being with him. He was taken to the Town Hall, where he made a statement, and he was then removed to the hospital, where his injuries were attended to. He showed a keen wish to get away, saying he wished to return to his home at Wallington, near Croydon, where he lived with a second cousin. He was given permission to go back, but the case looked very suspicious, and two railway policemen accompanied him. On the journey, at one of the stopping-places, the party learned that Mr. Gold's body had been found. This was stated by. an official of the company, and Lefroy heard it; but it does not seem that he was greatly upset by the tidings. He reached Wallington and the cousin's house; then he told the police that he was going out to see a doctor. Amazing as it seems, he was allowed to go, and from that moment, for more than a week, all trace of him was lost.

          An inquest was held—-a tremendous affair it was for a little place like Balcombe, special wires being fitted so that long telegrams could be sent off to the newspapers—-and a verdict of wilful murder was returned against Lefroy. A reward, too, was offered for his arrest, and the whole country was thrown into a state of the most intense excitement and a lot of people were quite unnerved when it came to a question of travelling by train.

          I spent many weary days at the inquest, at the police court proceedings, and at the trial at the assizes, so that every detail of the case became familiar to me, and I remember them pretty well even now. So I will just outline the actual story of what happened on that famous summer day in 1881.

          Mr. Gold was a retired London business man, about sixty-four years old, and lived at Brighton. He was still interested in a business in London, and every Monday morning he went to town to get his share of the profits. This money he sometimes took home with him, and at other times he paid it into the bank. On this particular Monday morning he received £88 odd, and with the exception of the shillings and pence he put the money into the bank and then went to London Bridge Station, which he reached just before two o'clock.

          The train, an express, left London Bridge at two o'clock, the only stopping-places being Croydon and Preston Park. Mr. Gold, who was a season ticket holder, was well known on the line. He occupied a seat in a first-class smoking compartment, and just before the train started Lefroy, who had been walking up and down the platform looking into the carriages, jumped in and seated himself in the compartment. At Croydon the guard noticed that Mr. Gold was apparently taking a nap, for he had a handkerchief over his head.

          When the express reached Merstham Tunnel a passenger heard four reports, which he thought were fog-signals, but which proved to be revolver shots.

          Lefroy had begun his murderous work by firing with a revolver which he had got out of pawn. Then began a long and terrible struggle, for Mr. Gold, though elderly, was a big, powerful man, and he defended himself in the most resolute manner.

          Mile after mile the fight went on—-it was calculated afterwards that the struggle was continued over a distance of fourteen miles. It began when the train was about seventeen miles from London, and ended only in the middle of Balcombe Tunnel, about thirty-one miles from London Bridge, with the flinging out of the compartment of a man who by that time had one bullet in the head and about fourteen knife wounds on various parts of the body. The medical evidence showed that the actual cause of death was a fracture at the base of the skull, which was, no doubt, the result of the fall from the train into the six-foot way.

          That there was a fierce struggle was shown by the statements of a woman who lived in a cottage at Horley, about eight miles from Merstham Tunnel. She was outside the cottage, and as the train dashed by she saw two men struggling in a compartment. They were standing up, and at first she did not know whether or not they might be engaged in the sort of horseplay which so often takes place in trains.

          The train roared through Balcombe Tunnel and out into the open air and passed me on the line, but I took no more notice of it than I took of any of the scores of trains that went up and down in the course of a day.

          By that time Lefroy had shut the door of the compartment and was speeding on to Preston Park, no doubt concocting the wonderful tale which he told when the train stopped for the collection of tickets. He had thrown his collar away, and his silk hat as well; doubtless also the revolver and the knife, for we found a knife in the tunnel near the body.

          At Brighton he went to a shop to buy a collar, which proved to be the same size as the one I found; and he got a hat, also the same size as the one which was found on the line—-and an uncommon size, because Lefroy was an uncommon-looking person. He had a receding forehead and a very receding chin, and his teeth and gums showed prominenyly when he smiled. I had many opportunities of studying him, and he seemed to be the last person in the world to commit a murder, least of all the murder of a man like Mr. Gold. I should think that Mr. Gold was almost twice the size, taking all round, of Lefroy, but I dare say that the awful peril of his position and his determination to see his business through gave Lefroy the strength of a madman while he was doing his work. He was only about twenty-two years old, and was about five feet eight inches in height, but weedy looking and not very fit.

          The murder had been done and the whole country was more or less panic-stricken because Lefroy had escaped. There was a tremendous outcry, and all sorts of theories were set afoot to account for his disappearance. He had committed suicide, gone abroad, had been seen in many towns in England, and so forth; but, as a matter of fact, he had made his way to London and taken lodgings in a small house in a little mean street in Stepney, giving out that he was an engineer from Liverpool.

          It was afterwards known that Lefroy hid in the house for nearly eight days, never leaving it, and almost starving, certainly looking so miserable and wretched that he was enough to arouse pity in the heart of anyone who saw him. There was never a suspicion that he was a murderer.

          In those days there were not the wonderful means that exist now of publishing photographs and particulars of people who were wanted by the police. It was a rare thing for a newspaper to give a portrait, but the Daily Telegraph had a picture of Lefroy which aroused enormous interest and was remarkably like him. He was so uncommon looking that if he had been at large I think it is pretty certain he would have been taken much sooner than was actually the case.

          Lefroy had neither money nor luggage, and it became urgently necessary to secure the means to pay his bill. He managed to send a telegram off in the name of Clarke to an office in Gresham Street asking for money to be sent to him that night without fail. That was on Friday, July 8th, eleven days after the murder. By that time the published portrait had been seen and studied by great numbers of persons, and when the telegram was handed in at the post office information was given that a man strongly resembling the picture was lodging at the house in Stepney.

          The police were communicated with, and, instead of the money reaching Lefroy, when the door opened he saw two police officers. He knew why they wanted him, and made no resistance, nor did he say much, except that he was not guilty of the crime.

          Lefroy was taken to Stepney Police Station, then to Scotland Yard, and having spent the night at King Street Police Station, Westminster, he was hurried off to Victoria Station early next morning and taken to East Grinstead. The bloodstained clothes which he was wearing when he reached Brighton, and which he had exchanged for another suit while in the charge of the police, were carried down at the same time.

          At that preliminary hearing the magistrates at Cuckfield, in which district the body had been found, sat in the Talbot Hotel, Lefroy being kept in Lewes Gaol, sixteen miles away. The magistrates' inquiry lasted four days, and each morning Lefroy was driven in a two-horse fly from the prison to the court, and each afternoon he was driven back. I do not think he was ever seen in public without being hooted. Lefroy was committed for trial at the Maidstone Assizes, and had to wait four months in prison before he appeared in the dock before the Lord Chief Justice. The hearing occupied four days.

          Enormous interest was taken in one of the most striking things in connection with the crime, and that was the railway carriage in which the terrible struggle took place. This carriage was seen time after time by jurymen and others concerned in the case, and I became familiar with it. In the actual compartment there were abundant signs of the fight, and even on the footboard were marks of blood, which showed that to the very end Mr. Gold had fought for his life. He had apparently made a last frantic clutch as he was hurled out of the train.

          The state of the carriage and the condition of the body showed at a glance how long and fierce the fight had been. As for the appearance of Lefroy at Preston Park and Brighton I cannot say anything, as I did not see him then, but when I did see him, soon after his arrest, there were not many signs that he had gone through such a desperate struggle. He seemed to have had matters pretty much his own way, but having a loaded revolver and a knife against an unarmed man gave him tremendous odds.

          It was on Gunpowder Plot Day that the trial before the Lord Chief Justice began. By that time Lefroy had improved very much in looks and had had time to pull himself together. Considering the nature of the evidence against him and the almost utter hopelessness of an acquittal, he was amazingly cool; in fact, he seemed to be about the most unaffected person in court. There was no doubt that he had a mania for attracting public attention, and he made the extraordinary request that he should be allowed to get a dress suit out of pawn and wear it in the dock. This fancy was not gratified, but the young man made the best of his chances and was particularly attentive to a silk hat which he wore. Each morning when he was brought up into the dock from the cells below he bowed ceremoniously to the judge and the court generally. It seemed as if the prisoner's great object was to attract attention, and I was astonished that a man who stood in such peril of his life could find time or inclination for such trifles. But the fact was that to the very last moment Lefroy believed that he would be acquitted, and there were other people who actually persuaded themselves that he would be found not guilty. It may have been that they credited the story of the third man in the compartment, the person who looked like a countryman. All I can say on that point is that if there really was a third party in the compartment it was the Devil himself.

          I got weary of the whole business long before it was finished—-though we had a day off in the course of the trial. That was on Lord Mayor's Day, when the judge had to go to London to take part in the ceremonies.

          On the afternoon of the fourth day of the trial the judge had finished his long summing-up, and the jury retired to consider their verdict. That took them only a few minutes; they found Lefroy guilty, and he was sentenced to death. When he had been condemned he told the jury that some day they would learn that they had murdered an innocent man.

          It was an odd circumstance that, after being so closely connected with the case for so long, I was not present in court when Lefroy was found guilty and sentenced. I had got tired of the oft-told story and the stuffy atmosphere, and when the summing up was going on I was wandering round the prison walls examining them. When I got back to the court all was over. Lefroy had been removed, and soon afterwards he was taken, handcuffed and under a strong police escort, to Lewes Gaol.

          Even in the condemned cell Lefroy did not abandon hope, and he wrote a letter in which he asked for a file and a small saw to be sent to him concealed in the crust of a meat pie, his object evidently being to try and break out of prison, though how he expected to do that, when he was constantly guarded, is a mystery. He also tried to get poison sent in to him, but these attempts were fruitless.

          A petition for a reprieve was signed, but no notice was taken of it. When, at the very last, Lefroy knew that his doom was certain he confessed to the murder. He said that he was so desperately in need of money that he was determined to go to any length to get it, even to the extent of murder. He walked up and down on the platform at London Bridge in the hope of finding a woman alone in a compartment. In that case he would have got in and demanded money from her, hoping that he would be able to escape and that it would not be necessary to do more than stun her. There was not, mercifully, any such solitary woman, and seeing Mr. Gold alone, and noticing that he looked prosperous, Lefroy jumped into the compartment just before the train started. The watch which he had in his shoe at Preston Park was Mr. Gold's. Before being arrested Lefroy threw the watch over Blackfriars Bridge.

          Lefroy was hanged at Lewes by Marwood on November 29th, almost exactly five months after he murdered Mr. Gold.

          I don't know what became of the collar. I saw it at the inquest and at the trial, but not afterwards; and I didn't wish to see it, for I had had enough of it.

          As to the revolver, the police made a long and tiring search on the line and elsewhere, but they were not successful. After Lefroy was hanged a ganger found a revolver in a little hole at Earlswood, and that was supposed to be the weapon which was used. I dare say, there are many relics of the terrible affair; but most of the people who were connected with the trial have died. Of all the local people, I think I am the only one left, though Jennings is, I believe, still alive somewhere in America.

          Well, that's the story of the famous Brighton train murder. Here we are on the very spot where I found the collar. Now we can go on picking primroses on the embankment. They're beautiful, aren't they? Balcombe primroses are said to be the finest in England, and, being a Balcombe man for fifty years, I honestly believe it.

          ----end

          Temple Bar: A London Magazine for Town and Country Readers, Volume 76, January, 1886, Pages 73-82

          On the Verge of a Tragedy
          A True Narrative
          by George Austin

          “Lefroy’s account of the events that preceded the assassination of Mr.Gold, has perhaps never been surpassed in the thrilling history of murder. He says that the whole of the day on which the crime was perpetrated, from the time he left Wallington, the Devil was with him. While he was in the station before the train started, he put the question to the Devil which it was to be—-Poverty and Honour, or Wealth and Dishonour—-and while he was debating this choice, the Devil suggested the latter; whereupon he walked up the platform and got into a carriage in which there happened to be a passenger, alone. It was into this Lefroy entered, and not, as stated by the railway witness, that in which Mr. Gold was sitting. When he entered, the passenger apparently not caring that Lefroy should see him eating strawberries, put the fruit on the hat-rail, and. taking out his newspaper began to read. As he did so, Lefroy also took out his own paper, still however keeping an eye upon his fellow-passenger. Meanwhile he cautiously drew his revolver out of his pocket, concealing it under his paper to discover whether it was properly loaded, and this being ascertained, he then ‘full cocked’ it. He actually intended to take this gentleman’s life; but every time Lefroy looked up from his paper, he found his companion——to use his own words—-staring at him as much as to say, ‘I know what you are about.’ So near was this traveller to being a victim in the place of Mr. Gold! ”—Daily Telegraph, November, 28, 1882.

          (If any apology were required for introducing to the reader the following true narrative, I think it would be found in the fact of some of the incidents related being of an extremely unusual and remarkable character. I may also add that I have been strongly urged, both by friends and strangers to whom I have related the story, to place it before the public)

          IT was on a hot summer day, some few years ago, that, after a fatiguing morning’s work in the City, I was about to travel from London, by an early afternoon express train, to Brighton. Being somewhat exhausted by the heat of the weather, and with a parched throat, I had, before starting, purchased a basket of strawberries as a substitute for lunch. I had arrived at the station early, and having rather a desire to be alone, with a view to the enjoyment of a quiet siesta, I entered a first-class compartment otherwise unoccupied. At the last moment before the train was set in motion, the carriage door was suddenly opened, and a tallish, slight, young man sprang rapidly in, and placed himself in the corner seat on the opposite side of the carriage and farthest from me.

          According to my casual observation, he was a man of not ungentlemanly mien, but conveyed the impression of one who was accustomed to late hours spent in a vitiated atmosphere.

          I had just begun to eat my strawberries. My first impulse was to invite my fellow-passenger to partake of the fruit, but for some undefined reason I abstained from doing so.

          I have often since endeavoured to account for the origin of my second impulse, and have been compelled to arrive at the humiliating conclusion that it must have been attributable to nothing more nor less than greediness. If I had been half-way through the strawberries, I should in all probability have obeyed the impulse of hospitality, but I was not self-sacrificing enough to let a stranger “revel free” amongst the larger specimens of fruit with which our fruiterers with commendable liberality invariably bait the top of the basket.

          I was however so far sensitive on the subject, that I could not continue to enjoy the strawberries alone, and therefore placed the basket in the rack above my head, intending to resume my feast at a later period. It is important to mention this incident of the strawberries, because, as will be seen hereafter, it has a very significant bearing upon my narrative.

          I then occupied myself with my newspaper, my fellow-traveller being apparently similarly engaged. It is necessary to state here that I am short-sighted, so that beyond a certain distance, say about eight or ten feet, according to the amount of light, I do not clearly recognise features, unless aided by glasses, which I do not always use. ' My readers may doubtless be aware that persons afiiicted with short-sight, have often apparently a habit of staring or gazing intently at the object which they are endeavouring to see. This is pre-eminently the case with me; so much so indeed that acquaintances have often indignantly exclaimed, “Why, I met you the other day in the street, you stared me out of countenance, and then passed on as if you did not know me!”——the real state of the case being that I had not recognised them at all. To resume my narrative, I recollect that I occasionally glanced at the stranger, who was just within the range of my vision, and that he appeared to be looking at me with a glittering eye; a fact to which I did not attach any importance at the time, and which would not have left any impression on my mind but for subsequent events.

          The train stopped at Croydon Station (about ten miles from London), and there my fellow-passenger abruptly quitted the carriage, no conversation whatever having passed between us. I proceeded on my journey, and in due time arrived at Brighton, some fifty odd miles from London, and did not, during that day, hear of anything unusual having happened.

          On the following morning I was again in the train accompanied by some friends travelling to London. On opening our newspapers we were much startled at reading:

          “DREADFUL MURDER OF A GENTLEMAN YESTERDAY AFTERNOON ON THE BRIGHTON RAILWAY. BODY FOUND IN BALCOMBE TUNNEL.”

          Then followed an account of a passenger alighting at Preston Station (which is within a short distance of Brighton) in a terribly shattered and forlorn condition; whose clothes were smeared with blood, whose general appearance indicated that he had been engaged in a struggle of a very severe and sanguinary nature, and who stated that he had been brutally attacked and robbed by a man in the carriage, who had then escaped while the train was still in motion.

          His story being believed by the railway officials, although there were many circumstances which should have made them suspicious as to the truth of it, he was allowed to take his departure.

          A few hours later, however, a report was received of the body of a gentleman having been found in Balcombe Tunnel, who, judging from his general appearance, had evidently been murdered.

          The real state of the case appears then to have dawned upon the acute minds of the railway officials, who arrived at the intelligent conclusion, that instead of having been attacked, the dilapidated man who alighted at Preston Station, and whom they had so innocently allowed to depart, was, in fact, the murderer of the unfortunate gentleman whose body had been found in Balcombe Tunnel.

          The newspaper report then proceeded to give a description of his personal appearance, height, dress, &c., and other particulars, to facilitate the endeavours of the police to effect his capture.

          When I read this statement I was struck with amazement, and exclaimed, “Why, that is the exact description of the passenger in whose company I travelled yesterday afternoon, and by the train named, as far as Oroydon Station!” I then related to my friends the incident of the strawberries, and my greediness in connection therewith.

          The murder naturally became the all-engrossing topic of conversation for several days, especially amongst those who were accustomed to travel on the Brighton Railway, and their friends; and a panic with regard to railway travelling with one other passenger only in the same carriage, took, for some time, possession of the mind of the public; and there arose considerable discussion, as to whether it Would not be advantageous, for the general safety, to adopt the American system, and to abolish compartments, thus throwing open all the carriages from one end of the train to the other. This idea however was soon abandoned, as the majority were of opinion that the luxury of our present system of comparative privacy is preferable. Moreover it must be remembered that no murder in a railway carriage had taken place for the previous seventeen years, and therefore that the chances against such an occurrence are many millions to one.

          The story of my having travelled, as I believed, as far as Croydon Station with the suspected man, whose name turned out to be Lefroy, was not unnaturally often repeated in my family circle, and amongst my club, and other friends.

          After the lapse of many days, Lefroy was traced to, and arrested in, an obscure lodging in the east of London, and in a very abject and dejected condition. He was then charged with the murder of 'the gentleman whose body had been found in Balcombe Tunnel, and evidence was taken in the usual way before a magistrate.

          The ticket inspector at the London terminus swore that he knew the person of the prisoner very well, and that he put him into a carriage at that station with the gentleman whom he was charged with having murdered, and with whose personal appearance he was also perfectly well acquainted, as he was a constant traveller on the line. He likewise stated that the prisoner had on a “bowler hat.”

          When I read that piece of evidence, I was compelled to come to the conclusion that the belief that I had travelled with the accused as far as Croydon Station was incorrect, as my fellow-passenger wore a “tall silk hat,” and that the similarity of dress and appearance in other respects was simply a coincidence, which however in any case would have been somewhat singular, as there were very few first-class passengers on that day in the train by which we travelled. On reading further however, I observed that the officials at Preston Station, where the prisoner alighted, swore that he wore a “tall silk hat.”

          This evidence forcibly brought back my original impressions as to the identity of the man, and I was so much interested in the matter, that I took the trouble to seek out the ticket inspector at the London terminus, and asked him how he accounted for the discrepancy between his evidence, and that of the officials at Preston Station, with regard to the hat.

          “Well, sir,” he said, “I may have possibly made a mistake about the hat, but I am positive that I put the accused into the carriage with the murdered gentleman at this station.”

          Although, of course, somewhat shaken in my conviction by this renewed and unequivocal assertion of the ticket inspector, I nevertheless continued to entertain a strong instinctive feeling, almost amounting to certainty, of the correctness of my first impression.

          I was never however sufficiently interested in the matter—-and this may appear strange to many of my readers—-to be induced to make a personal inspection of the prisoner, which fact was probably in a great degree attributable to the doubts which had been raised in my mind by the very positive assertions of the ticket inspector; moreover he would have been attired in such very different clothing to that in which my fellow-passenger was dressed, that it would most likely have been difficult to recognise him with any degree of certainty; and furthermore, any evidence which I could give would have been of no practical value, in addition to which police and criminal courts of law have never had any great attraction for me.

          The result of the evidence was that the accused man Lefroy was committed for trial, which did not take place for some months afterwards, and in the crowd of events which are always so rapidly following each other, the matter was temporarily forgotten.

          When however the time arrived for the trial to take place, the subject again occupied the attention of the public in a very intense degree. The trial lasted for some days, and terminated by the prisoner being found guilty, and sentence of death being passed upon him.

          A day or two before that appointed for the execution, I was relating to my children the story of the murder, in the summer of 1861, and also in a railway carriage, of a gentleman named Briggs, the chief clerk in the bank of Messrs. Robarts, by a German called Muller. This murder created intense excitement at the time, as the murderer evaded the pursuit of the police, and actually escaped to America, where, however, he was arrested on arrival, and given up under the extradition treaty, brought back to this country, tried, condemned, and hanged. It is somewhat singular that a hat also played a prominent part in that tragedy. Up till the last moment, Muller asserted his innocence, even until the rope was actually round his neck, when, in answer to the last appeal of the German clergyman who was in attendance upon him, and who earnestly implored him not to rush into the presence of his Maker with a lie upon his lips, the unhappy man exclaimed, “ Ich habe es gethan!” (I did it.)

          “Now,” said I, “the condemned man Lefroy may be equally obstinate; but should he make a detailed confession, I shall be very curious to see the particulars, as the conviction is still as strong as ever on my mind that I did travel in the same carriage with him on the day of the murder as far as Croydon Station, notwithstanding the evidence of the railway officials to the contrary.”

          On the following afternoon, the day preceding that on which Lefroy was appointed to be hanged, on entering my club, the first man I saw was our cheery messmate, Captain Aquinas, distinguished for the dulcet tones in which he mastheads us when we revoke or trump his best card, or fail to see his “Peter” at whist.

          Said he,“ Do you remember the story you told us on the day after the murder, expressing your belief that you had been a fellow-passenger with the murderer as far as Croydon Station, and your greediness about the strawberries?”

          (Alas, nobody ever seems to forget that unhappy admission of mine!)

          “Certainly,” replied I. “Perfectly well.”

          “Well,” said he, “if you read the Daily Telegraph, you will see that Lefroy has made a statement in which he fully confirms your story.”

          I accordingly sought out the statement in the Daily Telegraph, and there, sure enough, the prisoner made particular mention of the fact of his fellow-passenger having a basket of strawberries, and of his evident disinclination to continue eating them in his presence, and how he therefore placed them in the rack at the back of the carriage; how he then devoted himself to the perusal of his newspaper; how he, the prisoner, also had a newspaper, behind which he had a loaded revolver, cocked and ready for use; how he had been more or less under the influence of the Evil Fiend from the time he arose from his bed that morning, and how he had resolved to murder his fellow-passenger; but somehow, whenever he looked at him, the gentleman always appeared to be staring at him most intently, as much as ‘to say, “I know what you are about,” and that he, in consequence, became so unnerved that he felt quite incapable of carrying out his intention; and, on the arrival of the train at Croydon Station, he rushed from the carriage, and got into another, in which there was only one other passenger, whom he eventually murdered, casting the body into Balcombe Tunnel.

          Poor unhappy wretch! Here was a man looking at him only occasionally, with indistinct and imperfect vision, and not having the most remote idea that he had any sinister intention in his mind; whilst the intending murderer in his distracted and guilty conscience, actually becomes impressed with the idea that the eye of that man is piercing him to the very soul! Why, if it were not a matter of such solemnity it would be almost ludicrous. But I will not attempt to solve this enigma. It affords at least an additional illustration that

          “Men are the sport of circumstances, when
          The circumstances seem the sport of men.”

          I cannot quit this part of my narrative without dwelling for a moment on an episode in it which to my mind affords another singular subject for reflection; as indicating how in this world of anomalies, tragedy and farce may be in close proximity to each other, and even be mistaken one for the other.

          Lefroy leaves me in the railway carriage perfectly unconscious of the peril which had been hanging over me, and while I am calmly and placidly, and slumberingly proceeding on my journey, he in the course of a few minutes, and within a few compartments from me, becomes engaged in a frightful struggle with the unfortunate gentleman whom he finally murders. This death struggle is observed by a woman and her daughter from the window of a cottage standing close to the railway; and they seeing the figures moving rapidly about in the carriage, are amused at what they believed to be two passengers engaged in skylarking. They looked upon a tragedy and absolutely believed it to be a farce!

          The perusal of this statement of the condemned man in the columns of the Daily Telegraph, naturally created much excitement amongst those of my relations and friends who had become acquainted with my original story, and it was the unanimously expressed opinion that my preservation was attributable to my being short-sighted.

          I certainly do not claim to possess a greater amount of physical courage, or indifference to danger than most men, and I suppose I may not be an imaginative man, for the terrible fate I so narrowly escaped has never given me any shock, or prevented a night’s rest, whilst another person, though only a slight acquaintance, on hearing of my fortunate escape from a cruel death, was so agitated as to be unable to sleep the whole night after hearing my narrative.

          One of the most remarkable incidents connected with my narrative, is the fact that I had nearly forty pounds in my purse, of which the murderer might have possessed himself with very little difficulty had he remained in the carriage with me, as I should undoubtedly have slumbered during the journey between Croydon and Brighton; whereas he did not obtain as much as twenty shillings from the unfortunate gentleman whom he so cruelly slaughtered; and the fact of his being so short of money was the immediate cause of his being traced and arrested.

          There is still another singular incident to relate, remarkable on account of the way in which it presented itself being purely accidental, and which would almost seem to be furnished for the purpose of supplying the final link in the chain of evidence which proves the truth and completeness of my story.

          About a week after the unfortunate man was executed, a friend came to me and said, “A curious thing has happened this morning. I was walking in East Street, when I met my old friend, the Reverend Mr. Cole,* who is the chaplain of Lewes Gaol, in which Lefroy was imprisoned and banged. We naturally spoke of the recent event, and of the wretched man with whom the reverend gentleman had had the misfortune to be in such close association. I casually remarked, ‘By-the-way, there is a man in my club who was the passenger who travelled with Lefroy on the day of the murder as far as Croydon Station.’ ‘Indeed,’ exclaimed the chaplain, ‘that is very extraordinary! What is the name of that gentleman? I must ask you to place me in communication with him, as I have something very important to say to him.’” In reply to a letter of mine to Mr. Cole, I received the following communication:

          “H. M. Prison, Lewes,
          “Dec. 15, 1881.

          “DEAR SIR,

          “I am very glad to receive your letter, which corroborates most remarkably a statement made to me by the criminal Percy Lefroy Mapleton, after his sentence, that he entered at London Bridge, on the 27th of June last, a carriage occupied by a gentleman who was eating strawberries at the time, and who placed them in the rack above his head as he entered.

          “He described the gentleman to me as apparently about forty years of age, slight, with dark hair, and with eyes which appeared to him so searching in their character that he felt obliged to abandon his intention of robbery and violence, and to change carriages at Croydon. The evidence of the ticket collector, Franks, was so positive that Lefroy entered the carriage with Mr. Gold at London Bridge, that the prisoner’s unsupported declaration to the contrary could only be accepted by me with reservation, but your testimony now offered, and corresponding as it does in minute particulars with his account, leaves no doubt in my mind as to his actually having been your fellow-passenger as far as Croydon, and I am also now aware that previous to his trial and long before the newspaper report appeared, he had given the same information for purposes of his defence whilst he was in close custody here, and therefore unable to hear, without the cognisance of the authorities, either directly or indirectly from yourself on the subject.

          “It is a great satisfaction to me to be able by your aid thus to test the truthfulness of one of the statements of the dying man, as it leads me to hope that his account to me generally of the details of his terrible crime may have been equally truthful.

          “I offer you my earnest congratulations on what I now fully believe to have been a providential escape, and I think it is only due to you that I should afford you the information which you request.

          “I am, dear Sir,
          “Yours very faithfully,
          “(Signed) T. H. COLE
          “(Chaplain).

          "GEORGE Ausrm, Esq,
          “Brighton.”

          My friend then arranged that he and I should pay a visit to the reverend gentleman, and we accordingly went over to Lewes on the following day.

          The chaplain requested me first to relate my version of the story, having heard which, he was able, from written statements of the condemned man, to confirm fully each detail of the occurrences which I had described, and especially the fact that the fixed and piercing manner in which he imagined his fellow-traveller was looking at him utterly unnerved him, and compelled him to abandon the intention which he had formed to assassinate and rob him.

          The chaplain also possessed so accurate a description of my personal appearance, that my identity as the fellow-traveller of the murderer was established beyond question, and he moreover confided to me the following information.

          “Shortly before the unhappy man was hanged, when he had abandoned all hope of his life being spared, and he was, in fact, making his confession, he was very anxious to convince me that he was not utterly incapable of speaking the truth. He was moreover very angry (although acknowledging the justice of the sentence passed upon him) at the inaccurate evidence of the ticket inspector, who so positively swore that he put him into the carriage with Mr. Gold at the London terminus. He then told me the story of riding with the passenger who was eating strawberries, as far as Croydon Station, and how, under the influence of his searching gaze, as he said, he rushed from the carriage in a state of distraction and panic, perfectly incapable of carrying out the crime which he had contemplated. He implored me, if ever I should meet that gentleman, to ascertain from him the truth of these assertions made by him, the condemned man.”

          There is therefore no doubt that my short-sight was, under the providence of God, to whom I offer my most thankful acknowledgments, the means of my preservation from a horrible fate.

          It will be remembered that I have stated, that so long as the sworn evidence of the railway official was opposed to, and apparently disproved, my theory of having ridden with the murderer, I was never induced to make a journey for the purpose of seeing him. But as soon as the announcement was made of the confession which confirmed my version of the matter, I conceived a strong wish to have a personal view of him; it was however too late, as he was to be hanged on the following morning.

          Within a few days it was advertised that the effigy of the criminal was being exhibited at Madame Tussaud's.

          Knowing how lifelike are the representations at that establishment, I was seized with an irresistible desire to see in scam the figure which I had not had the curiosity to inspect in the flesh.

          I accordingly took the earliest opportunity of visiting Madame Tussaud’s, and there, in gazing on the features of the waxen image, I had additional confirmation of the correctness of my original belief. There, beyond a doubt, was the likeness of the man who had looked at me with a glittering eye!

          As I stood in that grim chamber of horrors amongst the crowd of spectators, none of whom probably were more interested in the figure of Lefroy than in any of the other surrounding efligies 0f murderers, I could not help speculating on the reflections regarding him which might be passing through their minds, as compared with those which occupied my own!

          [Note:] *Since writing this narrative I have seen the chaplain, and in course of conversation he mentioned, as a noteworthy circumstance, that until meeting our mutual friend in East Street, he had not seen him for some years, and he had not met him since. So that if one or other had passed a certain point a minute sooner or later, I should, in all probability, never have been brought into communication with the reverend gentleman, and should thus have been deprived of his most important testimony, which has contributed so largely to prove the truth of my narrative, and he would not have been afforded the opportunity of complying with the injunctions of the dying man.

          ----end

          Austin mentions visiting Lefroy's effigy at Madame Tussaud’s wax museum. Here's a photo.

          The Harmsworth Monthly Pictorial Magazine, Volume 1, 1899, Pages 656-660

          Nature's Danger-Signals
          A Study of the Faces of Murderers
          by J. Holt Schooling

          Click image for larger version

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          Comment


          • Percy Lefroy Mapleton

            I actually did do a great deal of newspaper and magazine research on this case at one point, but about ten years back a book on the case finally came out, "Trail of the Serpent". I've never read it so I can't testify as to how good it is, but there were some interesting background points on the killer that I learned, and which I believe are true.

            At the time of the trial Mapleton was known to the public as a minor newspaper reporter and attempted fiction writer. He had been born in 1860, and been residing in Australia from 1877 or so to 1880. His parents met on the island of St. Helena, where his mother's family were well known in the local government affairs. His father Captain Mapleton was in the British Navy.
            During the time he was stationed in St. Helena he and his fiancé - bride got to know a British Army officer named John Henry Lefroy. Lefroy was married at the time, and had been stationed in Canada (there is a mountain there that he explored that is named for him). Lefroy (as far as I could find out) did not have much contact with the Mapletons (who had two daughters before 1860), but in 1860 Lefroy (now a Colonel) was living in London as were the Mapletons. I bring this up because if you look at the Wikipedia article on John Henry Lefroy there is a picture of a painting of the man. There are some illustrations too of (in his article in Wikipedia) of Percy Lefroy Mapleton. The reason given for Percy having the middle name of Lefroy was that Colonel Lefroy was his godfather. Yet, when Percy tried to go out on his own from 1877 onward, he used the name "Arthur Lefroy" as his alias or pen name. This creates a kind of sensational type of situation.

            I believe Percy is not a Mapleton but the child of his mother and Colonel Lefroy. Lefroy, by 1877, had become General Sir John Henry Lefroy, and had served as Governor of the colony of Bermuda in the early 1870s. In short, in his time General Lefroy was a big shot. Captain Mapleton, not Commander Mapleton, was not as big a shot. As Percy grew older his father began to notice Percy's amazing resemblance to his so-called "god-father". It dawned on the poor man that he had been cuckolded by his close friend. Percy's coming to his 18th year was signified by Commander Mapleton basically sending him to Australia (to write stories, or plays, or newspaper copy) with a small remittance. Percy of course had bigger ideas for himself. Since he used the "Lefroy" name in his writing, he presumably identified with his probable biological father more than his legal father. As for Commander Mapleton, Jonathan Goodman got me a copy of his death certificate (he died in 1879). Mapleton is said to have died (in Boase's "Modern English Biography" entry for Percy) of "softening of the brain". Actually he died from extreme alcoholism - very possibly caused by the discovery of how his wife and friend had made a cuckold of him.

            Most of his estate went to the two daughters (whose parentage did not stretch into the same difficulties that Percy's did). Percy was stuck with Australia and the remittance. But in the 1870s and 1880s most people would have thought that Britain was the center of things, and not the Antipodes. Percy returned home to try to make a living for himself. As the articles you printed show, he failed miserably.*

            *At his trial in November 1881, Percy was defended by the spirited barrister Montague Williams, who frequently was defense counsel in criminal cases at the time - later he was a magistrate. Williams wrote a book of memoirs, and has a chapter on Lefroy's case. But he added a long pair of addendum to the book showing two of Percy's very lacrimose short stories - somewhat connected, regarding a well loved performing clown in the music hall, and his fickle wife, and how she leaves him broken hearted and how (in the second story) years later when she is a poor, broken slut she comes back to him and dies after he forgives her. Believe me, hanging Lefroy did not deprive British Literature of a major fiction talent!!

            He did do some theatre criticism and news reporting for minor newspapers in the counties, but nothing of major interest. Yet he had to go to the theatre, and he had to associate with theatre people - all of which cost money. How he got it one considers would not bear close scrutiny. He was close to his two sisters, so they may have given him something. As one was a wife and the other a nurse, probably very little. As for Sir John, he was in India at the time (1880) when towards the end of the year the gentleman was asked to get involved in a game of imperial musical chairs.

            Ironically it was in the then crown colony of Tasmania, in the very area that Percy had just left to try the bright lights of Britain again. The current royal governor of Tasmania was resigning, and a replacement had been chosen from another crown colony - but the replacement could not come until the late summer/early autumn of 1881. Her Majesty's Government noted that a formerly tried and tested royal governor, Sir John Lefroy, was about to leave India, and they contacted him to go to Tasmania as "Acting Governor" of that colony until the man who was supposed to be the new governor could show up. Sir John did that, and so he was Royal "Acting" Governor of Tasmania.
            If in this time Sir John heard from his "godson" he is not on record about it.

            In February 1881 London was shaken by an unsolved murder case at the army barracks at Chatham. A young and promising officer, Lt. Percy Roper, was shot and killed in the barracks. The police tried to solve this case, and in the process (involving the suicide of a Sergeant in the barracks a month afterwards) failed to find out who shot the Lieutenant.

            I should add something else I noted. The second article had a mistake in it - the first known British train murder, of Thomas Briggs by Franz Muller, was not in 1861 but in 1864. Percy's shooting of Mr. Gold was in late June 1881. It turns out that while there are no apparent deaths we know of on British railways from 1864 - 1881, it is incorrect to say murder or murderous crime was not known on the British trains in that period. In 1868 the Master of the Train Station at Dover was shot and killed by a man who was prevented by the victim from seeing his daughter. The perpetrator was hanged for that murder (historically interesting because it was the first murderer hung in a private ceremony in Britain). In 1875 (if you recall an earlier discussion on this thread) Colonel Valentine Baker was ruined in a peculiar incident with a single woman alone with him in a train carriage. Then in 1880 a man named Henry Perry was given a stiff prison sentence (over ten years) for trying to throw a man he had just robbed off a train. I suspect that Percy may have noted Perry's brush with the law, and planned accordingly.

            Percy's escape was idiotic - he went to the home of his older sister, and was accompanied by a railway policeman (not a regular bobby) to the home, and told this policeman he was going in to get fresh clothing. He asked the policeman to wait outside, and the fool did. Percy did change his clothes, but left through the back door. Believe it or not, the name of this "brilliant" policeman was (of all things!!) "Holmes"!!!!

            Percy was at large for eleven days, and he was finally captured because his landlady had gotten suspicious of his hiding until night, reading all the newspapers, and rarely coming down for dinner. His arrest was aided when (for the first time in British police history) a drawing of Percy in profile was put inside the Daily Mail and circulated. Most notably it should an excessively weak and recessive chin.

            Now back in police custody, Mapleton began to prep for the November trial. In the meantime, in late July - early August, word reached Hobart, Tasmania of the recent doings in London. Suddenly Sir John Lefroy announced that regretfully he could not stay on until the actual new governor showed up. He submitted his resignation, and soon (late August) he and his wife and party were headed back to England.

            This was 1881, and the transportation (even with steam driven liners) was slow, especially as this was a twenty thousand mile voyage around the Indian Ocean and the Suez Canal (from Tasmania, at the bottom of the Australian land mass) or by Cape Horn (it would not be until 1914 that the Panama Canal would be available for faster passage). Sir John did not reach England until the first week of December 1881. By then Percy was in his grave.

            After his conviction Percy toyed with getting one of his sisters to send him the saw and file in a meat pie crust, but was undercut by the sister who felt that Percy should not do that but should fight to prove his innocence based on Montague Williams' theory (based on Percy's lies) about a third man in the coach who knocked out Percy (but did not kill him for some reason) and fought with Gold. Had it worked with the jury Percy would have been pleased - it did not work with them, and his sister's tearful insistence that they keep looking for this fiction of his must have annoyed him. He sat down and wrote out a confession - but not about Gold. He confessed to having shot and killed Percy Roper over an actress they were both rivals over. This confession was going to be given to the warden, and it was read (the details came out) but suddenly Percy repudiated it. Apparently he got some false feeling of impending reduction of sentence, and did not wish to muddy the chances. This proved chimerical, like that third man in the coach. So (on November 28th, 1881) Percy Lefroy Mapleton, a.k.a. "Arthur Lefroy" was hanged by William Marwood, public executioner. That wax effigy of Lefroy was out in 1992 at Tussaud's Chamber of Horrors, when I visited that famous wax museum - next to Marwood's statue.

            Sir John, having come too late, did not die immediately, but lasted until 1887. He left legitimate family heirs.

            Jeff

            Comment


            • I was wrong about the year Sir John Henry Lefroy died. It was 1890, not 1887.

              Comment


              • Thanks, Jeff. Here are links to the Montagu Williams memoir you mentioned, and some Lefroy items from Truth, including a mention of our ould friend Forbes Winslow.

                Leaves of a Life: Being the Reminiscences of Montagu Williams (London: Macmillan, 1891), Pages 277-294, Pages 335-348
                by Montagu Stephen Williams




                Truth, Volume 10, July 28, 1881, Pages 112-113

                According to a letter published in the Era, it would appear that Lefroy, alias Percy Mapleton, alias John Howson, advertised largely for actors and actresses in 1878, and that above sixty were duped, swindled, or hoaxed by him. The writer of the letter says that Lefroy gave as his address a large building in Chancery-lane, consisting of chambers and offices. Upon going there, the writer was referred by the hall porter to a clerk in a solicitor's office, who was in the habit of receiving the letters addressed to Lefroy-Mapleton-Howson. This person, he adds, figures as an important witness in the recent investigation. A warrant was obtained against Lefroy, and a summons against the solicitor's clerk, but as funds were not forthcoming to go on with the case, it collapsed.

                -------------------------------

                An American theatrical critic thus comments upon the Brighton Railway murder:—-“Lefroy, who is suspected of the murder, claims to have written several American plays, and was a regular attendant on first nights at the London theatres. These evidences of guilt are, at first sight, not very obvious, but upon reflection, they should go to the jury as part of the very strong case against the accused. We know that a man who claims to have written an American play will stop at nothing; he will translate a piece from French or German, and claim that it is his own work. He will put his name to another man's play and declare that he wrote every word of it. He will steal another person's drama and take the money for it unblushingly. He will dramatise a book, and claim all the credit for the production. He will write three or four words in a foreign play, and assert himself as the joint author, entitled to half the profits, although his interpolations have been cut out during the rehearsals. When the author is called for, he will bow before the curtain just as if he had written the piece. From these crimes to murder the descent is easy. As for the regular first-nighters, there is cruelty in their composition which may naturally lead to the shedding of blood. They attend, not to enjoy good plays or good acting, but in the hope of witnessing disastrous failures, and to gloat over the agonies of managers, authors, actors, and actresses. Give them a fiasco, and they are as happy as Spaniards at a bull-fight. The English idea that when a crime occurs, suspicion should be directed against a first-nighter, is judicious. Let him prove his innocence, if he can. The probabilities are that he is quite capable of the deed, if he did not actually commit it, and, according to the laws of eternal justice, he ought to be punished, anyhow."

                December 1, 1881, Page 707

                I heartily congratulate the Home Secretary for not having paid the slightest attention to the plea of insanity, urged by Dr. Forbes Winslow and the friends of Lefroy, in mitigation of the punishment of that murderer. Neither the friends nor their solicitor do I blame--they were bound to do all that they could for the man; but it really is high time that Dr. Winslow should realise the fact, that his amiable theory that the world is peopled by irresponsible lunatics, and that he is the only sane person in it, is an illusion of the brain under which he himself is suffering. He should seek rest and quiet, otherwise he will find himself one of these days lodged in a lunatic asylum, on a certificate signed by himself. Lefroy was a weak, vain, and vicious young man. When he wanted money, he stole it. Having one morning obtained a supply by passing counterfeit coin, in the afternoon he obtained a further supply by murder. There was nothing of insanity in this. Had he been allowed to escape punishment, none of our lives would have been safe. Everyone able to show either that some relative had been eccentric, or that his mother had been ill at the time of his birth, would have cut a throat whenever he wanted half-a-crown, with a well-founded conviction, that the worst that could occur to him would be to be well taken care of in a lunatic asylum.

                -------------------

                All persons who commit a murder in cold blood may be said to have a homicidal mania, which simply means that their impulse to kill is stronger than their respect for human life. What deters many from yielding to this impulse is the fear of the consequences to themselves; and if once this fear were to disappear, murders would be far more frequent than they are. As a rule, the respect for human life is, however, a sufficient deterrent; but it is a curious fact that, when once a person has killed another, he, if left alone, follows this up by other murders. This is especially the case in poisoning. In these matters, it would appear, Ce n'est que le premier pas qui coûte.

                -------------------

                As for Lefroy's confessions, all that one can say is, that they may be true, but more probably they are untrue. This unhappy youth was so eaten up with a morbid desire for notoriety, that it is difficult to say how far this passion may have led him. To have let a man off who had been convicted of one murder, because it pleased him to assert that he had committed others, would indeed have been a strange proceeding.

                It is rather hard that Lefroy should have tried to couple the name of that pretty actress, Miss Violet Cameron, with his, considering that he never spoke to her in his life. As a matter of fact, shortly before his trip to Brighton with Mr. Gold, he did call upon several of the leading London actresses, who, knowing nothing about him, declined to see him.

                -------------------

                Apropos of Lefroy, a few years ago he was staying at a country house for Christmas. It wan suggested that some charades should be arranged, each person naming a subject. Lefroy chose as his the murder of a man in a railway carriage.

                -------------------

                We are likely to have a convict literature from the pens of those who have paid the penalty of inconsiderate homicide. The publication of the nauseating confessions of such wretches, edited by sentimental gaol chaplains, is a matter of taste, but it seems to me that any publisher who would answer the following advertisement would be something more than "enterprising " :—

                LITERARY.—-Offers wanted for the M.S. of a short
                Christmas story, never yet published, by Lefroy.

                Comment


                • The ascerbic comment linking Lefroy's claims he wrote several plays in America, and that "American" plays are plagiarized from France and Germany is just this side of unfair. In 1881 there was no real universal copywrite protection for writers around the globe, so that a writer like Charles Dickens (while protected in Britain and the Empire from unscrupulous publishers "pirating" his writings without paying him royalties) had no real recourse to Americans doing the same (or French or German or Italian or Russian). The same was true for Americans like Mark Twain, Frenchmen like Emile Zola, Germans like Theodore Fontane, Italians like Verga, and Russians like Leo Tolstoi in Britain or in each other's country. The same for the existing drama, although not as relevant to us today because in the 19th Century drama was so moribund. Gilbert and Sullivan were in the vanguard among dramatists (and musical composers) who worked to improve the situation. After seeing many pirated versions of "H.M.S. Pinafore", especially in America, they hit back by having two opening nights, one in London and one in New York, for "The Pirates of Penzance". Thus they had an American copywrite as well. This practice continued for the rest of their careers.

                  However, what "Truth" lied about was that it was only an American habit. The British practiced it too, changing names and play locations to new ones in works that were by the French dramatists Eugen Scribe and Victorien Sardou when they were introduced as "new and original" (!!!) British plays. Even Gilbert was guilty of this, but at the start of his career. Naturally, given his own spotty reputation for probity, Labouchere overlooked this in his editorial diatribe.

                  As for the claims of theatrical swindles perpetrated by Lefroy, there is some evidence that he was involved in them - but possibly it should be said that he did try to put on productions when he really did not have the resources, and frequently authorized dramatists to write plays without being prepared to pay for their work. I have come across such a claim by Frank Scudamore, a dramatist of the 1880s who made it in a newspaper at the time of the trial of Lefroy. I am not really certain of this, but Scudamore may be the father-in-law or grandfather-in-law of Sir Michael Redgrave, as Redgrave's wife was Mary Scudamore.

                  Comment


                  • Thanks, Jeff.

                    This is a piece by Forbes Winslow on the Lefroy case, from a journal edited by Winslow.

                    The Journal of Psychological Medicine and Mental Pathology, 1883, Pages 122-127

                    Art VII. The Plea of Insanity in the Lefroy case

                    signed Ed. {L.S. Forbes Winslow]

                    Having expressed an opinion a few days after Lefroy was condemned to death that there were sufficient grounds to justify the Home Secretary in granting a medical inquiry, and no response having been made to an appeal so numerously signed, we have thought it desirable to discuss "The Plea of Insanity" in this unfortunate case. Having been concerned in the matter we feel it an imperative duty we owe to ourselves, the public, and to the friends of the young man now gone over to join the great majority, to give the following particulars.

                    Within a few days of the termination of the trial we were consulted by some relatives of Lefroy with reference to our forming a conclusion on his state of mind. Certain documentary evidence was placed in our hands, and family histories were disclosed, all bearing directly on the case. Having carefully perused these we expressed an opinion that there were sufficient grounds for petitioning the Home Secretary to grant a medical examination of the condemned man. A few days subsequently we had occasion to go into the country, and on our way down in the train we read in the morning's paper that we had been appointed to visit Lefroy at Lewes Gaol. Upon arrival at our destination we immediately telegraphed to the Home Secretary, expressing our desire that if such were the case we would rather make the examination in conjunction with a medical Government official appointed by himself. This wish was also subsequently expressed by us at the Home Office. We felt that public opinion was so great against the condemned man that we did not care to take upon ourselves the responsibility of acting as mental adjudicator in a case of so much public importance and interest. We only saw the friends on one occasion. We have never seen or had any communication with Mr. Dutton, the solicitor for the defence, beyond telegraphing to him on the day before the execution, and also signing the petition presented to us by his clerk, not asking for a reprieve, but simply praying that the Home authorities would sanction an inquiry into Lefroy's mental state. This petition was subsequently signed by upwards of one hundred medical men.

                    Three years ago a young man presented himself at the house of a consulting physician in Brook Street, giving the name of Percy Lefroy Mapleton. This circumstance had escaped the memory of the medical man whom Lefroy then saw, until hearing of the murder, when, upon reference to his note book, the following entry was seen attached to the name, "This person is evidently insane." Lefroy, inheriting insanity on the side of both father and mother, commenced his career with anything but a hopeful future. His mother dies before he reaches the age of five; his father suffers from softening of the brain for some years previous to his death, which only occurred recently. His natural disposition is described as being gentle in the extreme, and he is reported as abhorring all crime and vice. Of the early life of Lefroy we know but little. He was sent to Australia, and returned a short time back, but whilst on his passage home he conducted himself in such a strange manner as to necessitate being placed under absolute restraint—-the captain and officers of the ship can testify to this. If, therefore, his real state of mind had been properly recognised by his family at this period of his history, a terrible calamity would have been averted. We hear of his going into theatrical speculations with an imaginary opera bouffe, supposed to have been written by Offenbach, which he called "Lucette," but which had no reality beyond his own morbid imagination. The extraordinary statements, founded on fabrication, which from time to time have been called "lies," were, in our opinion, delusions, existing only in his diseased mind. We have had in our possession, and we deposited at the Home Office, a letter written to a friend of his, in which he stated that he had come into a property of £10,000 per annum for life, and that he was going in for "parliamentary honours." Does this look like the saying of a man in his right mind? The letter to which we refer is dated May of last year. Within a few weeks of his penning this epistle he commits the murder for which he has met the death of a wilful criminal. Cunning is conspicuous in lunatics, and this quality had been shown throughout the whole of the transaction. Commencing the crime with Hanoverian medals in his possession; the endeavour to conceal the watch in his hoots; sending one of these counterfeit pieces to the post office, and expecting to receive a sovereign in exchange for it. His conduct was very peculiar after the murder. It may be alleged on the other hand that there was distinct premeditation, but this is no argument against his insanity. Surely, many of the murders committed by lunatics are premeditated, and suicidal insanity is nearly always so. His method was not that of a sane man. With regard to his confessions, they appear to be nothing but a tissue of crazy incoherencies. He admits one crime after another. It is said that he did this to obtain a reprieve, so as to give time to investigate the truth of his statement. This opinion was eagerly grasped by those desirous of hurrying the victim into eternity. What possible evidence have we that these statements were not positive delusions, emanating from one, who at the time he is reported to have uttered this, was described as "raving like a lunatic and foaming at the mouth?" We could adduce from the other documents we have had in our possession in further proof of what we urged to the Home Secretary, that there were sufficient data for an inquiry to be held. It would be as absurd to consult a medical man upon some knotty legal question as it would be to ask a lawyer to solve some psychological problem. Why then, in the name of justice and common sense, were not those experienced in insanity called in to report on his mental state? The only official opinion as yet published was Marwood's, who considered him sane, and the press grasped this opinion as carrying weight, and sent it forth to the world. In our opinion Lefroy was subject to paroxysms of homicidal impulse, in addition to other marked symptoms of insanity.

                    In homicidal insanity it requires one especially conversant with the subject to detect mental aberration. A visit to Broadmoor will convince anyone of this fact. Here we see persons convicted of murder, but subsequently acquitted on the ground of insanity, who since their confinement have been of sound mind; but they are, and rightly so, detained during Her Majesty's pleasure. "Homicidal impulse" is often recurrent, and it is never known when a fresh paroxysm may occur, and what the result of such outbreak may involve. It is not connected with any special type of mental aberration, and is generally associated with monomania. The insanity here is often of so superficial a kind that it is most difficult of detection, the intellectual powers remaining seemingly intact throughout the disease. Persons so afflicted are liable to sudden paroxysms of mental excitement and murderous desire. No reason can, as a rule, be detected for the perpetration of the deed, and the crime is apparently quite motiveless. Many homicidal lunatics destroy the lives of those they love most dear. Some victims to this homicidal tendency are quiet, morose, and gloomy in their nature; they are naturally a most dangerous class of humanity, and too often it happens that their real condition is not detected until some crime has been committed which brings their actions under the immediate attention of the authorities. Unnatural cruelties, impulsive desires are also present; the reasoning power, judgment, and ordinary mental symptoms remain intact, the chief characteristic being a morbid and irresistible wish to commit extravagant and murderous acts, no positive delusion being present. It belongs to a class of insanity called "moral insanity," and one under which Lefroy laboured, the symptoms we have just enumerated being all present. His love affair, which was so conspicuously, we regret to say, brought prominently forward, had not the slightest foundation, but was purely an hallucination of his disordered fancy. According to the law of England, if it can be conclusively established that a prisoner knows the difference between right and wrong, he is therefore held legally responsible. This is a monstrous doctrine. If we examine one hundred ordinary lunatics in any asylum, not, of course, including the demented and absolutely idiotic inmates, we find that quite ninety of this number are able to discriminate between right and wrong; and yet, according to the rule of law now laid down, these persons must be regarded as responsible beings, who, if they aggress, must pay the penalty for so doing. The opinion we originally entertained that a medical examination should have been granted by the Home Secretary is universally held by all those medical men with whom we have discussed the case. As far as the unhappy man himself is concerned, it may perhaps be a mercy that he is spared incarceration as a criminal lunatic for life; but in discussing a case of this nature we should not heed the popular cry for vengeance towards a condemned man. It is to the immediate relatives and those with whom he has been all through life associated that we must extend our pity, and by whom sympathy was doubtless deeply felt for the family of Mr. Gold. It is the opinion of many individuals that insanity, if clearly established, should not exempt a criminal from the extreme penalty of the law. We do not, however, for one moment, endorse this, or credit that such a monstrous and unchristian doctrine should be tolerated by the more enlightened members of our community. There are undoubtedly some individuals among both the legal and scientific sections of society who entertain extreme views respecting crime and punishment—-men not deficient in natural sagacity, and not uninfluenced by feelings of humanity, who, being educated in the spirit and prejudices of the old school, consider the throne, the seat of justice, and the State in danger if any undue mercy is extended towards those who violate the sacred majesty of the law.

                    "Not hang a lunatic!" they exclaim, "who has committed the crime of murder! Not hand over to the tender mercies of Marwood an insane person who has imbrued his hands in the blood of a fellow creature? If doctrines like these are promulgated, if such principles are allowed to interfere with the legitimate administration of justice, who will answer for the safety of society, or the security of the State?" We have the happiness, however, of living in an age when such obsolete doctrines can exercise no influence upon the understanding, the humanity, character, and conduct of those placed in positions of great legal trust and responsibility. It may be asked, Why was the plea of insanity not raised at the trial of Lefroy? But with this we have nothing to do. It was our opinion from the first that it ought to have been. Again, Why were the officials, on pain of dismissal, not allowed to divulge anything that occurred within the precincts of the gaol for twenty-four hours previous to the execution, in reference either to the prisoner's conversation or demeanour? The case, from first to last, was a sensational one; and under no pretence whatever could the public executioner be deprived of his victim. Reviewing the case calmly and deliberately, and taking into consideration all the concomitant facts, it would have furthered the interests of intelligence, humanity, science, civilisation, Christianity, and justice if a deaf ear had not been turned to the prayer of these petitioners, simply begging that the Home Secretary would grant a medical inquiry into the mental state of the youth then standing on the precipice of his fate.-—Ed.

                    Comment


                    • Sir Michael Redgrave was married to the actress Rachel Kempson. His father, Roy Redgrave was a rather colourful actor who's second wife, Michael's mother, was Margaret (Daisy) Scudamore, the daughter of a Plymouth man who had nothing to do with showbusiness.

                      At 18 and alone in London, a theatrical agent, thinking she was a Scudamore relative, had sent her to the playwright Frank Scudamore's house. She wanted to be an actress and he and his wife (he was a very jovial, kindly man) took her into their home. She lived with the family for a while. Frank Scudamore's name was really Davis. He had just adopted the name Scudamore.

                      Comment


                      • Originally posted by Rosella View Post
                        Sir Michael Redgrave was married to the actress Rachel Kempson. His father, Roy Redgrave was a rather colourful actor who's second wife, Michael's mother, was Margaret (Daisy) Scudamore, the daughter of a Plymouth man who had nothing to do with showbusiness.

                        At 18 and alone in London, a theatrical agent, thinking she was a Scudamore relative, had sent her to the playwright Frank Scudamore's house. She wanted to be an actress and he and his wife (he was a very jovial, kindly man) took her into their home. She lived with the family for a while. Frank Scudamore's name was really Davis. He had just adopted the name Scudamore.
                        Thanks for the correction Rosella. So Margaret was not a blood relative of the dramatist Mr. Scudamore. But she lived with them for awhile. That is interesting, actually.

                        Jeff

                        Comment


                        • According to the memoirs of novelist David Christie Murray Conan Doyle once opined that Dreyfus could still be guilty even if the evidence produced at his trial didn't hold up.

                          Recollections (London: John Long, 1908), Pages 268-272
                          by David Christie Murray

                          One of my hobbies for the last forty years has been the study of character in handwriting. It is pretty much with the various forms of caligraphy as it is with the human face or with the human voice. The vast majority of faces that one sees are essentially commonplace, but each has somehow an individuality of its own. Handwriting has its physiognomy, and everybody who has been accustomed to a large correspondence knows how instinctively and unfailingly he recognises a caligraphy which has been presented to him only twice or thrice. It was as a result of my pursuit of this hobby that I first began to take a real interest in the Dreyfus case. When the first rough and ready facsimiles of the famous Bordereau and of the authentic letters of Captain Dreyfus were published side by side, it struck me with an immediate amazement to conceive that any person who had given even the most casual attention to this study of handwriting could possibly have supposed that the various documents had emanated from the same hand. The forgery of a signature is one of the simplest businesses in the world, but the truly deceptive forgery of a document of any length is an absolute impossibility-—an impossibility as complete as would attend the continued personification of a dual character by the most skilful mimic under the observation of one who was able to maintain a sustained and microscopic examination of the two.

                          It was an article in the Strand Magazine communicated by that eminent statistician, Mr Holt Schooling, which first enabled me to form a judgment in this matter, and until it and its accompanying photographs of original documents were brought to my notice, I had taken no more than an ordinary passing interest in the case. But since it had been decided, on the strength of an imagined resemblance between the handwriting of the prisoner and that of the author of the Bordereau, I had not a moment's hesitation in arriving at the conclusion that the charge against him was unfounded and absurd, and it seemed to me to be no less than a duty to bring other people to the conclusion which I so strongly held. It was not easy. Sir Arthur Conan Doyle wrote to me:—-

                          "My Dear Murray,—-Its being a week-end will prevent my coming up for I have always several visitors. I hope when you can come down you will let me know. Very much interested in your views upon the Dreyfus case. I fancy that the Government may know upon evidence which they dare not disclose (spy or traitor evidence) that he is guilty and have convicted him on a bogus document,—-Yours very truly,

                          "(Sgd.) A. Conan Doyle."

                          For nine long days I went over the photographs of the authentic letters and the incriminating Bordereau with a powerful magnifier, and in the end I succeeded in establishing no fewer than twenty-two distinct and characteristic differentiations between them. I had already entered upon the preparation of an alphabetical synopsis when I learned of the existence of that work of monumental patience and research which had been prepared by Monsieur Bernard Lazare of Paris, and a consultation of its pages showed me that part of the work I had undertaken had already been performed by Monsieur Gustave Bridier, an acknowledged expert in handwriting in Switzerland.

                          I caused all the documents at my disposal to be photographed on glass, and thus prepared I betook myself from my home in North Wales to London, where I found an immediate and enthusiastic helper in the person of Mr J. N. Maskelyne of the Egyptian Hall. He lent me the use of the most powerful oxyhydrogen magnifying lantern in London and prepared for me a great screen on to which the photographs could be most delicately and accurately thrown in an enormously magnified form. Until the fact of my intended demonstration was announced by the Press, I had not the remotest idea as to the intense interest with which the case was regarded by the British public. I had caused it to be announced that anybody desiring to be present might secure a ticket of admission by forwarding to me a stamped directed envelope. The Egyptian Hall seated about 360 people, and I received applications which would certainly have enabled me to fill the vast auditorium of the Albert Hall twice over. The result was that I was enabled to make a choice, and when the night arrived the little hall was packed with the pick of the brains of London, drawn from both Houses of Parliament, from the Bench, the Bar, the diplomatic services of Europe, the Royal Academy, the learned professions generally and the Press of London. When a page of the Bordereau was first thrown upon the screen side by side with the authentic handwriting of the prisoner at Devil's Island, I knew that I had my work cut out for me, for there were murmurs everywhere of "Identical!" "Damnatory!" "That settles the whole question," and so on. The mood of the audience was not to be doubted for an instant, but I knew my case and I was confident. Little by little, as demonstration succeeded demonstration, the temper changed, and at the conclusion I achieved a triumph such as I have never before or since enjoyed. I hope sincerely that I do not take more credit to myself for that night's work than I deserve, but so far as I could judge there was not one of my hearers who went away unconvinced. The Metropolitan Press woke up and in its turn awakened the yet more influential journals of the provinces, who exert an intenser as well as a narrower influence, and in a very little time there came a reverberating boom in answer from the other side of the Atlantic. Before the lecture was delivered I received many threatening letters from truculent Frenchmen, who regarded any foreign criticism of the evidence on which Dreyfus had been found guilty as an insolent assault upon the honour of the French army. Two of my correspondents threatened me with assassination if I should dare to carry out my project, and scores of them expressed themselves in terms of indignation and contempt. The most popular idea appeared to be that I was a hireling in the employ of the Jews, and that I was being very handsomely subsidized to take up the cudgels in a base and disgraceful cause. I confess that I rather wished that this idea of a subsidy were true, for in time and money I had spent considerably more than I could legitimately afford, but the truth remains that Mr Maskelyne and I stood the whole racket and that, so far as we were concerned, there might as well have been no Israel in Great Britain or outside it.

                          ---end

                          Link to the article mentioned by Murray.

                          The Strand, Volume 14, December, 1897, Pages 784-788

                          The Dreyfus Case
                          A Puzzle in Handwriting

                          by J. Holt Schooling



                          Two reviews (one by a Shaw) of a British play inspired by the Dreyfus case, with William Terriss in the lead.

                          The Saturday Review, December 28, 1895, Pages 867-869

                          One of the Worst

                          "One of the Best" A drama in four acts. By Seymour Hicks and George Edwardes. Adelphi Theatre, 21 December, 1895.
                          by G.B.S.

                          The new entertainment at the Adelphi has for its object the reproduction on the stage of the dramatic effect of the military ceremony of degradation undergone not long ago in France by Captain Dreyfus. The idea is not a bad one from the Adelphi point of view; but the work of setting it into a dramatic frame has fallen into the wrong hands, the two authors' familiarity with the stage and its requirements only giving an absurdly cheerful and confident air to their feeble and slippery grip of a subject much too big for them.

                          The Dreyfus affair was interesting in many ways. It was French—-French in the most unEnglish way, because it was not only theatrical, but theatrical at the expense of common sense and public policy. At the Adelphi Mr. Terriss is able to exclaim at the end of the piece that no English officer has ever betrayed his country; and this, understanding, the value of which we are all sensible enough to appreciate, we keep up by breaking and getting rid of our Dreyfuses in the quietest possible manner, instead of advertising them by regimental coups de theatre which, in addition to being as demoralizing as public executions, would shatter that national confidence in the absolute integrity of our public services and institutions which we all keep up with such, admirable esprit de corps, not that any of us believes in it, but because each of us thinks that it is good for all the rest to believe in it. Our plan is to govern by humbug, and to let everybody into the secret. The French govern by melodrama, and give everybody a part in the piece. The superiority of our system lies in the fact that nobody dislikes his share in it, whereas the French are badly hampered because you cannot have broadly popular melodrama without a villain, and nobody wants to be cast for the villain's part. Consequently a delinquent like Dreyfus is a perfect godsend to the French authorities, and instantly has all the national limelights flashed on him, whereas here he would be quietly extinguished in support of the theory that such conduct as his could not possibly occur in the British army.

                          There is another weakness in the French method. Even when you have got your villain, how are you going to make him do his best for the effect of the sensation scene? At the Adelphi it is easy enough, since the villain, though he might often make a whole play ridiculous by a single disloyal intonation, can be depended on to omit no stroke of art that will intensify the loathing or louden the execrations of the gallery. It is his point of honour as an artist to blacken himself: he is paid to do it, proud to do it, and depends on doing it for his livelihood. But Dreyfus was not in this position. He had every possible motive to "queer the pitch" of the military melodrama of which he was the villain and victim; and he did it most effectually. He declined to be impressed by the ceremony or to pretend that the parade of degradation was worse than death to him as a French soldier. He displayed a sardonic consciousness of the infinite tomfoolery of the whole proceeding, and succeeded in leaving all Europe able to think of nothing in connection with it except the ludicrous fact that the uniform which had been stripped and defaced had been carefully prepared for that stage trick the night before by having its facings and buttons ripped off in private and basted on again with light cotton. When the farce was over, he took the stage, shouted "Vive la Republique," and marched off, having made the hit of the piece, and leaving the Republic and its army looking like the merest crowd of "extras." This was perhaps a mistake; for the shout of "Vive la Republique " was, at least to English ways of thinking, out of the wronged and innocent character which Dreyfus was assuming: at least, it is certain that an English officer, if innocent, would under such circumstances either keep his feelings to himself, or else, if unable to contain them, roundly and heartily damn his country, his colonel, the court-martial, the army, the sergeant, and everybody else on whom he could with any sort of relevance bring his tongue and temper to bear.

                          A Dreyfus case is the less likely to arise here because we are not only free from the fear of invasion from armed neighbours which makes Continental nations so sensitive on the subject of spies, but also less childishly addicted to keeping secrets that are no secrets. Campaigns depend on strategy, fighting, and money, not on patents; and a nation which had no better idea of preparation for war than hiding a secret explosive or a new weapon or an undisclosed plan of fortification up its sleeve—-an idea which appears particularly plausible to the civilian imagination-—would richly deserve what it would probably get in the field. We have many ways of making idiots of ourselves; but the Continental way of arresting artists on sketching tours, and confiscating drawings which give no information that cannot be obtained at any stationer's shop where they sell maps, photographs, and railway timetables, is one which we have so far spared ourselves.

                          These observations are not very recondite; but they appear to have completely escaped the perspicacity of the authors of "One of the Best." In the second act an impossible K.C.B., A.D.C., declaims against the folly of England in allowing strangers to roam the land with kodaks, photographing her forts and worming out the secrets of the Tower of London, Woolwich Arsenal, Dover Castle, and other strongholds of our national independence, instead of imitating the heroic example of the foreigner by turning out the garrison and searching the pretended tourist, artist, and holiday-maker for concealed copies of the Monroe Doctrine. A gratuitously asinine opinion, I thought, which was received by the gallery with obediently asinine applause. The degradation scene showed an equal want of grasp of military life and English character. The one sentence that was taken from life as exemplified by Dreyfus was just the one sentence that stamped that gentleman as probably guilty. Lieutenant Dudley Keppel is made to finish his ordeal by shouting "God save the Queen" (the equivalent of "Vive la Republique"), which at such a time can only mean either that the creature is tamed by discipline to the point of being an absolute spaniel, or else that he is a genuine criminal, asserting his highmindedness in a fine stock phrase, as all rascals do whenever they get a chance. On the points of Dreyfus's bearing which seem worthy of imitation by officers in trouble, Dudley Keppel was resolutely original. He did his utmost to make the barbarous and silly spectacle a success by displaying frightful emotion. Before parting with his claymore he kissed it and then broke it across his knee, a proceeding which even the greenest country cousin in the pit must have known to be quite acutely the reverse of anything that a British officer could be conceived as doing upon any provocation or in any extremity. And yet the scene, properly re-written, could be made highly entertaining with Mr. Fred Kerr instead of Mr. Terriss in the principal part.

                          It is interesting to observe that Messrs. Hicks and Edwardes seem as incapable of realizing the reality and humanity of a woman as of a soldier. I am not now alluding to the maiden of Keppel's heart. Like most such maidens she is a nonentity; and the unlucky lieutenant is driven to the most abject expedients to work up the sentiment in his love scene with her, shaking blossoms from a tree over her, and helplessly repeating a catalogue of the most affecting objects and circumstances of the scene (provided on purpose), as, for instance, "The old Abbey, the organ, the setting sun," and so on. But there is another young and beauteous female in the piece, a Miss Esther Coventry, who in the most pathetically sentimental way commits a series of crimes which Jonathan Wild himself would hardly have gone through without moments of compunction. Political treachery, theft, burglary, perjury, all involving the most cruel consequences to her father and his amiable young lieutenant, are perpetrated by her without hesitation or apology to get money for a man with whom she is carrying on an intrigue out of pure love of deceit, there being no mortal reason why he should not woo her in honourable form. Throughout all her nefarious proceedings I failed to detect any sign of its having occurred to the authors that any moral responsibility attached to this young woman. In fulfilment of their design she went about with an interesting air of having sinned and suffered, cheating, lying, stealing, burgling, and bearing false witness exactly as if she were the heroine of the play, until, in the last scene in the barrack square, the rehabilitated Keppel suddenly said, "Allow me," and gallantly ordered his general to take that wounded dove to his manly bosom and be more a father to her than ever. As in real life the young lady could not, even by the most violent stretch of judicial leniency, have got off with less than ten years penal servitude, it was difficult, in spite of the magnificent air with which Mr. Terriss proclaimed the amnesty, to quite believe that the civil authorities would submit to be set aside in this manner; but apparently they did: at all events she was still in the peace of complete absolution when the curtain descended.

                          On the whole, the play, even judged by melodramatic standards, is a bad one. The degradation scene is effective in a way; but what that way is may best be shown by pointing out that if a military flogging had been substituted, the effect would have been still greater, though the tax on Mr. Terriss's fortitude would no doubt have been unreasonable. The court-martial is also effective, but not more so than any trial scene must necessarily be. A trial is the last resource of a barren melodramatist: it is so safe an expedient that improvised amateur attempts at it amused even the doomed aristocrats in the Paris prisons during the Terror. The scene of the attempt to rob the safe produces a certain curiosity as to how the authors will bring about the foregone conclusion of fixing the guilt on the innocent Keppel; but the clumsiness of the solution soon melts this curiosity into a sensation like that of watching a bad chess-player. Then there is the scene in which the villain is thrown like a welsher on a racecourse to a savage crowd, who delight the audience by making as plausible a pretence of tearing him to pieces as is consistent with the integrity of Mr. Abingdon's person. The comic scenes may be divided into three parts: first, puerile jokes about the deficiencies in a Highlander's uniform and the situation of the "pistol pocket" in the bicycling suit worn by Miss Vane Featherstone; second, speeches not in the least funny which are nevertheless funnily delivered by Mr. Harry Nicholls; and third, a certain quantity of tolerable fun mixed with a few puns and personalities, evidently the invention of that gifted comedian. The rest hardly rises sufficiently above nothingness to be as much as dull; and I see no reason to anticipate an exceptionally prosperous career for the play. Mr. George Edwardes was immensely congratulated on his appearance as an author, the audience seeming to regard it as an irresistible joke; and I am rather inclined to take that lenient view myself. If I am to take it seriously I can only say that however successful Mr. Edwardes may be as a manager, he must work a good deal harder if he wishes to succeed in a really difficult profession like that of dramatic authorship.

                          The acting is, of course, consistently outrageous, though by no means unskilfully so. Mr. Terriss contrives to retain his fascination even in tartan trousers; and he rises fully to such heights as there are in the trial scene and the degradation scene. It is always a pleasure to hear his voice now that we have on the stage so many made-up voices which ring with monotonous sonority in the speakers' noses. With the single exception of Mr. Bernard Gould, Mr. Terriss appears to be the only serious actor in his line from whom we hear a cultivated natural voice instead of an acquired artificial one. Of Miss Millward's capacity I have no idea beyond the fact that she has clearly more than sufficient for such parts as are to be had at the Adelphi. Mr. Nicholls is an excellent actor: it is a thousand pities that his talent is only employed to put us into good humour with bad plays.

                          I observe that Mr. Dana, at the Duke of York's Theatre, has also fallen back on military melodrama. But the enterprise, not having expressly courted my notice, escaped it until too late; and I can only admire Mr. Dana's daring in making yet another effort to convert the west end to melodrama after the extremely poor luck which has attended that aspiration so far.

                          G. B. S.

                          ----end


                          The Theatrical 'world' of 1895 (London: Walter Scott, 1896), Pages 378-382
                          by William Archer

                          One of the Best
                          25th December.

                          When it has been stated that One of the Best at the Adelphi is a good and effective play of its kind—-certainly one of the best of recent years—-there remains very little to be said of it. The ability displayed by Messrs. Seymour Hicks and George Edwardes is of the purely spectacular and stage-managerial kind, not in the least dramatic. There is little or no invention in the play. The skill of the authors lies in seizing upon a picturesque and impressive incident—-the degradation of Captain Dreyfus—-and forcing it, not without violence, into an English setting. In doing so they shrink from no extreme of physical or moral improbability. The English Dreyfus must, of course, be innocent of the treachery attributed to him, so he has to be provided with a double, and we are asked to assume a strong personal resemblance between Mr. Terriss (the hero) and Mr. Abingdon (the villain). This is a pretty steep assumption to begin with. Then, that the villain may gain access to the safe in which the War Office plans are deposited, the daughter of the officer entrusted with their charge has to be represented as a most abandoned and repulsive criminal. Poor Miss Millward! never was a more hateful part assigned to an Adelphi heroine. The authors' efforts to keep Esther Coventry within the pale of sympathy only made her more intolerable. We should have liked her better as an out-and-out villainess. She cannot possibly be deceived by her villain-lover's representation that his object in stealing the plans is only (!) to swindle the Government out of £5000. Unless she is a mere idiot, she must know that she is betraying not only her father, but her country. Then in order to screen her lover, she perjures herself through thick and thin, and suffers an innocent man who has done her no harm to be subjected to an infamous punishment and condemned to penal servitude for life. And finally, there being no one else left to betray, she turns round and betrays her lover, not out of remorse or any sort of compunction, but simply because he declines to marry her. I must say the hero's magnanimity in imploring her father (and the audience) to pardon her seems to me misplaced. She ought to be handed over to Professor Lombroso to adorn his gallery of female delinquents. A character of more unredeemed turpitude has never been presented to the execrations of a British gallery. Yet such is Miss Millward's empire over the affections of the Adelphi gods that they positively applaud her! This Esther Coventry is the pivot of the whole action, and in designing her the authors have simplified their task with a happy audacity, on which I beg to congratulate them. The scene of the robbery is a stirring piece of melodrama, and the court-martial is fairly effective, though it would be much more so if Lieutenant Keppel made some slight attempt to defend himself, instead of indulging in mere futile protestation and declamation. But the great attractions of the play are of course the scenes representing the hero's degradation and reinstatement, the bestregulated pieces of military spectacle I remember to have seen on the stage. The degradation was really moving after its fashion, and it seemed to me that Mr. Terriss here attained a genuine dignity and sincerity of emotional expression, not always to be found in his acting.

                          Mr. Abingdon, as the villain, had a more than usually ungrateful part, and I must protest against the cowardly brutality with which the mob of soldiers and rustics is suffered to treat him at the close. Such outbreaks of bestial ferocity do, indeed, occur, but that is no reason why they should be presented with approbation on the stage. When the benevolent clergyman appeared on the scene, I did not doubt that he was going to rescue the defenceless and cowering wretch of a villain, and put to shame the dastardly crew who were torturing him. But not a bit of it! After a feeble protest, he left them to their savage sport; and no doubt the gods went away full of admiration for this mob of sturdy Britons, and prepared to imitate them on the first opportunity. Mr. L. Delorme and Mr. Athol Forde played two minor characters very cleverly, the one a French spy, the other an octogenarian rustic. Mr. Harry Nicholls was exceedingly droll as a Highlander from Hampstead (he said Hampshire, but that must have been a slip of the tongue), and Miss Vane Featherston, as the comic maidservant, played up to him very brightly. By the way, Mr. Nicholls's allusion to some supposed jealousy between the Commander-in-Chief and another distinguished General (both mentioned by name) struck me as being in execrable taste; but since the sagacious Mr. Redford sanctions it, I suppose it is little short of high treason to say so. It seems to me that the one conceivable utility of a censorship would be to check silly and offensive personalities of this sort. The speech may very probably be a "gag"; but whether Mr. Redford did, or did not, pass it, the fact remains that our beneficent censorship failed to prevent its being spoken on the stage. Were it not that Mr. Redford is supposed to relieve us of all responsibility in these matters, the slight hiss which greeted it would doubtless have been much more emphatic. Hence the popularity of the censorship with low-comedians, on whom it places no check, while it protects them against the censorship of the decent-minded public.

                          ----end

                          A story by the above drama critic which may owe a bit to the Lefroy case.

                          The Broken Shaft: Tales in Mid-ocean (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1886), Pages 132-155
                          by Francis Marion Crawford, Robert Louis Stevenson, F. Anstey, Walter Herries Pollock, William Archer, Tighe Hopkins

                          My Fascinating Friend by William Archer

                          Comment


                          • I took a look at that story by William Archer. It has elements of the killing of Mr. Gold by Lefroy, and the end reference to the assassination of the Tsar has to refer to that of Tsar Alexander II in March of 1881, just three months before the murder of Mr. Gold. I also tried to read the story which seemed to cluttered with references and such to be very good. References to Lord Beaconsfield (Benjamin Disraeli) in it also put it in 1881, as Disraeli died that year.

                            That same book did have one classic short story in it: "Markheim" by Robert Louis Stevenson, which is still frequently republished.

                            Footnote to the play suggested by the Dreyfus Affair: "One of the Best" (which Shaw, with tongue firmly in cheek, referred to as "One of the Worst"):

                            This play was written in part by Seymour Hicks. Hicks, a prominent actor on his own (recently his version of "A Christmas Carol" has reappeared and is sometimes shown on television - he made it in 1935) was the son-in-law of William "Adelphi Terrace" Terris, the star of the piece, and the leading actor in popular melodramas of the 1880s to 1890s, such as "Peveril of the Peak" (based on Walter Scott's novel). He was talking to Shaw himself to appear in a play by the latter, when in 1897 he was stabbed to death outside the Adelphi Theatre in London (the spot of the attack is still shown to tourists) by Richard Prince, a jealous failed actor that was aided by Terris but resented him and suspected him of ruining Prince's self-imagined career. Prince was sentenced to life without parole to Broadmoor prison for the criminally insane (Sir Henry Irving, who was a close friend to his rival Terris, bitterly said that Prince got away with murder because he killed an actor). Shaw continued seeking another major star for the play he was working on, "The Devil's Disciple", and the role of "Dick Dudgeon" ended up being first portrayed on stage by our old friend, Richard "Jeckyll and Hyde" Mansfield.

                            Second footnote about the "Bordereau" forgery in the Dreyfus Case:

                            The forgery (and several others) was created by Major Hubert Henri, a member of the "special" (counter-intelligence) sector of the French General Staff, and a firm supporter of their view that Dreyfus was the traitor. Henri is an interesting character, and I have mixed feelings about him. No doubt he detested Dreyfus, who was a Jew (Henri was probably anti-Semitic like many of the officers of the French Army at the time - and in other armies as well in the 1890s) but he really believed Dreyfus was guilty, and not Major Marie-Joseph Estherhazy, the actual traitor. He still believed this when his neck was caught in what he did. Henri figured that for the good of France more convincing evidence of Dreyfus' guilt would silence the growing criticism of the case and the French General Staff by the French public. So he went ahead and created the Bordereau, which was seemingly convincing until studied by experts.

                            In 1894 when it was produced, the "expert" looking at it was a most interesting fellow. It was Alphonse Bertillon, the creator of the first successful method of criminal identification prior to the development of fingerprinting and long before our use of DNA. Although a series of cases smeared it's reputation, the Bertillon method of measurements of portions of the skull and body worked for about fifteen years, and was certainly a good idea a the time. Bertillon was soon working closely with the Surete and became a leading expert in their criminal trials (sort of like how years later Sir Bernard Spilsbury was THE PATHOLOGIST in poisoning and homicide cases). But he was asked to look at the Bordereau, and while he certainly did make a real attempt to prove it was written by Dreyfus he couldn't overcome the fact that he was not a graphologist (expert in handwriting). To this day, however, anti-Dreyfus partisans still insist Bertillon was correct.

                            Henri's tragedy began as the strands of the case separated, and there was a change in the government with a more critical bunch in charge of the War Ministry than the cynical and conniving General Mercier who accepted the case against Dreyfus in 1894 and kept doing so for years after. When the change came they reexamined the Bordereau and called in Henri to explain it's discovery (supposedly in a waste paper basket) and what was the reason it was supposedly written by Dreyfus. The document had by then been shown to actual graphologists who denied Dreyfus signed it. Henri was called to a special private hearing before the War Minister and two Generals who had known what Henri was up to and winked at it. Unfortunately for Henri, neither general ever committed anything to paper that showed they okayed it. Henri confessed his guilt to the Minister of War claiming (probably honestly for a change) he did it for the happiness of the French people in a) getting rid of the probable traitor (Dreyfus) and b) to stop the growing discord caused by the likes of novelist Emile Zola, Anatol France, and Colonel Piquart, that was splitting the country apart. As he finished his heart-felt confession, Henri looked at the two Generals listening, expecting they too would confess they knew of it and approved it. Both looked either with hostility at him for apparently being a self-confessed forger, or they just looked indifferently at him as though butter wouldn't melt in their mouths. He was then aware he was the scapegoat - and it knocked the props from underneath him. Taken to prison, other prisoners later reported hearing him crying piteously in his cell when he realized how he had sacrificed for what he thought was right, but was actually unappreciated in the end. Two nights into his imprisonment, Major Henri was found hanging in his cell dead. To this day it is wondered if he killed himself or was dispatched to silence him.

                            Comment


                            • Thanks, Jeff.

                              Here's a quote from one of Syemour Hicks' memoirs.

                              Vintage Years when King Edward the Seventh was Prince of Wales (Cassell, 1943), Page 149
                              by Sir Seymour Hicks

                              [...] It was at first supposed that a homicidal maniac was at large, but ultimately detectives were hot on the trail of a certain medical student who lived at Croydon, and had they been able to arrest him it is more than probable that the the evidence against him would have put a rope round his neck. The wanted man, however, was never taken; he was found drowned in the Thames, and in his waistcoat pocket there was the return half of a third-class railway ticket to Croydon.

                              From the day of his death the Whitechapel Murders ceased, and this, taken in conjunction with the facts in the possession of the authorities, goes a long way to prove that the very astute members of the finest body of policemen in the world had succeeded in unravelling a very tangled skein.

                              ----end

                              In an earlier memoir Hicks talks about Charles Brookfield.

                              Seymour Hicks: Twenty-Four Years of an Actor's Life (New York: John Lane, 1911), Pages 170-171
                              by Seymour Hicks

                              "the Other Fellow" unfortunately was not a great success; and I asked Charles Brookfield, who was a member of the Court company at the time, if he would write a musical play with me on the lines of a Paris revue, but, instead of satirising general topics of interest, make the travesty nearly wholly theatrical. This idea he fell in with, and together we wrote what was a most impertinent, and at times rather cruel, burlesque, called "Under the Clock," which was immediately accepted by Mr. Chudleigh and proved phenomenally successful.

                              Brookfield appeared as Sherlock Holmes, and I played his slave of the novel, Dr. Watson, and we were supposed to be showing Emile Zola, who at that time was on a visit to London, round the various theatres. Brookfield and myself gave imitations of Henry Irving, Wilson Barrett, Beerbohm Tree, Lady Bancroft, Rose Leclercq, and no end of well-known people, slashing mercilessly at them in a way I should not dream of doing to-day. For instance, Brookfield made an entrance as Beerbohm Tree in "Hamlet," saying:—

                              "I'm dressed in black because I did not go;
                              These are my trappings and my suits of woe."

                              And lines put into the mouth of Miss Lottie Venne in her impersonation of Miss Julia Neilson were—-

                              "We modern girls, who don't know how to speak,
                              Resort to giving imitation weak
                              Of Ellen, who the gift of God inherits;
                              Her faults become her pupils' only merits."

                              I blush to think now of my share of these daring things, and, though late in the day, I lay at the feet of the lessee of His Majesty's and the beautiful Miss Neilson my profound apologies.

                              ----end

                              Brookfield was also acquainted with Macnaghten.

                              Days of My Years (New Yorl: Longman, Greens, 1914), Pages 19-20
                              by Sir Melville Leslie Macnaghten

                              I had the honour of acting with the late Charles Brookfield on the first occasion that he ever trod the boards. It was in January 1869, when he was about ten years old. The play was The Critic. Brookfield played the first Sentinel, a part which Sir George Alexander sustained at the Coronation performance in His Majesty's Theatre three years ago. Arthur Duke Coleridge played Puff in our South Kensington presentation, and, curiously enough, I noticed his death last year within a few days of that of Brookfield. Sir John Millais painted our scene of "Tilbury Fort—-very fine indeed,"—-the present vice-provost of Eton and his wife played Mr. and Mrs. Dangle, and Sir Frederick Pollock the Earl of Leicester.

                              Poor, dear Charles Brookfield! He often visited me at the Yard, and was very keen on all criminal matters, of which he knew more (and of the seamy side of life generally) than any layman I ever met, with the possible exception of my friends George R. Sims and Harry B. Irving; the knowledge of the latter, especially with regard to French criminals, is very remarkable. Brookfield was a good friend, and maybe not a very pleasant enemy—-brilliantly witty, but a little bitter, perhaps, in some of the best things he said. As a raconteur he was unrivalled. His health for many years was wretched, but his pluck was undefeated, and no pleasanter pal ever entered a clubhouse.

                              ----end

                              Brookfield was said to have helped gather eveidence against Oscar Wilde.

                              Oscar Wilde, His Life and Confessions (New York: Frank Harris, 1918), Pages 232-233
                              by Frank Harris

                              I have spoken again and again in the course of this narrative of Oscar's enemies, asserting that the English middle-class as puritans detested his attitude and way of life, and if some fanatic or representative of the nonconformist conscience had hunted up evidence against Wilde and brought him to ruin there would have been nothing extraordinary in a vengeance which might have been regarded as a duty. Strange to say the effective hatred of Oscar Wilde was shown by a man of the upper class who was anything but a puritan. It was Mr. Charles Brookfield, I believe, who constituted himself private prosecutor in this case and raked Piccadilly to find witnesses against Oscar Wilde. Mr. Brookfield was afterwards appointed Censor of Plays on the strength apparently of having himself written one of the "riskiest" plays of the period. As I do not know Mr. Brookfield, I will not judge him. But his appointment always seemed to me, even before I knew that he had acted against Wilde, curiously characteristic of English life and of the casual, contemptuous way Englishmen of the governing class regard letters. In the same spirit Lord Salisbury as Prime Minister made a journalist Poet Laureate simply because he had puffed him for years in the columns of The Standard. Lord Salisbury probably neither knew nor cared that Alfred Austin had never written a line that could live. One thing Mr. Brookfield's witnesses established: every offence alleged against Oscar Wilde dated from 1892 or later-—after his first meeting with Lord Alfred Douglas.

                              ----end

                              Montgomery Hyde attributed the following to Seymor Hicks.

                              The Love That Dared Not Speak Its Name (Little, Brown, 1970), Page 153
                              by Harford Montgomery Hyde

                              It is said he [Charles Brookfield] was jealous of Wilde's theatrical success. At all events he was friendly with Queensbury, and probably did more than anyone else to collect evidence against Wilde which he handed over to Douglas's father. Indeed, his zeal in hunting out homosexuals did not stop with Wilde and Taylor and was continued after they went to prison. Eventually his conduct became an embarrassment to the authorities, and it is said that the London Metropolitan Police Commissioner got hold of him and advised him in the interests of his personal safety to 'lay off', pointing out that there were influential homosexuals in high places who resented Brookfield's laudable but misguided endeavours and that if Brookfield were to persist in them his dead body might be found floating in the Thames one morning. Brookfield took the hint; he was subsequently appointed to the post of censor of plays in the Lord Chamberlain's office--a singular piece of irony, since he himself had written one of the 'riskiest' plays of the period.

                              ----end

                              I think I originally saw the Hyde quote here.

                              The Secret Life of Oscar Wilde (Basic Books, 2009), Page 224
                              by Neil McKenna
                              Last edited by TradeName; 12-29-2015, 08:06 PM.

                              Comment


                              • Originally posted by TradeName View Post
                                Thanks, Jeff.

                                Here's a quote from one of Syemour Hicks' memoirs.

                                Vintage Years when King Edward the Seventh was Prince of Wales (Cassell, 1943), Page 149
                                by Sir Seymour Hicks

                                [...] It was at first supposed that a homicidal maniac was at large, but ultimately detectives were hot on the trail of a certain medical student who lived at Croydon, and had they been able to arrest him it is more than probable that the the evidence against him would have put a rope round his neck. The wanted man, however, was never taken; he was found drowned in the Thames, and in his waistcoat pocket there was the return half of a third-class railway ticket to Croydon.

                                From the day of his death the Whitechapel Murders ceased, and this, taken in conjunction with the facts in the possession of the authorities, goes a long way to prove that the very astute members of the finest body of policemen in the world had succeeded in unravelling a very tangled skein.

                                ----end

                                In an earlier memoir Hicks talks about Charles Brookfield.

                                Seymour Hicks: Twenty-Four Years of an Actor's Life (New York: John Lane, 1911), Pages 170-171
                                by Seymour Hicks

                                "the Other Fellow" unfortunately was not a great success; and I asked Charles Brookfield, who was a member of the Court company at the time, if he would write a musical play with me on the lines of a Paris revue, but, instead of satirising general topics of interest, make the travesty nearly wholly theatrical. This idea he fell in with, and together we wrote what was a most impertinent, and at times rather cruel, burlesque, called "Under the Clock," which was immediately accepted by Mr. Chudleigh and proved phenomenally successful.

                                Brookfield appeared as Sherlock Holmes, and I played his slave of the novel, Dr. Watson, and we were supposed to be showing Emile Zola, who at that time was on a visit to London, round the various theatres. Brookfield and myself gave imitations of Henry Irving, Wilson Barrett, Beerbohm Tree, Lady Bancroft, Rose Leclercq, and no end of well-known people, slashing mercilessly at them in a way I should not dream of doing to-day. For instance, Brookfield made an entrance as Beerbohm Tree in "Hamlet," saying:—

                                "I'm dressed in black because I did not go;
                                These are my trappings and my suits of woe."

                                And lines put into the mouth of Miss Lottie Venne in her impersonation of Miss Julia Neilson were—-

                                "We modern girls, who don't know how to speak,
                                Resort to giving imitation weak
                                Of Ellen, who the gift of God inherits;
                                Her faults become her pupils' only merits."

                                I blush to think now of my share of these daring things, and, though late in the day, I lay at the feet of the lessee of His Majesty's and the beautiful Miss Neilson my profound apologies.

                                ----end

                                Brookfield was also acquainted with Macnaghten.

                                Days of My Years (New Yorl: Longman, Greens, 1914), Pages 19-20
                                by Sir Melville Leslie Macnaghten

                                I had the honour of acting with the late Charles Brookfield on the first occasion that he ever trod the boards. It was in January 1869, when he was about ten years old. The play was The Critic. Brookfield played the first Sentinel, a part which Sir George Alexander sustained at the Coronation performance in His Majesty's Theatre three years ago. Arthur Duke Coleridge played Puff in our South Kensington presentation, and, curiously enough, I noticed his death last year within a few days of that of Brookfield. Sir John Millais painted our scene of "Tilbury Fort—-very fine indeed,"—-the present vice-provost of Eton and his wife played Mr. and Mrs. Dangle, and Sir Frederick Pollock the Earl of Leicester.

                                Poor, dear Charles Brookfield! He often visited me at the Yard, and was very keen on all criminal matters, of which he knew more (and of the seamy side of life generally) than any layman I ever met, with the possible exception of my friends George R. Sims and Harry B. Irving; the knowledge of the latter, especially with regard to French criminals, is very remarkable. Brookfield was a good friend, and maybe not a very pleasant enemy—-brilliantly witty, but a little bitter, perhaps, in some of the best things he said. As a raconteur he was unrivalled. His health for many years was wretched, but his pluck was undefeated, and no pleasanter pal ever entered a clubhouse.

                                ----end

                                Brookfield was said to have helped gather eveidence against Oscar Wilde.

                                Oscar Wilde, His Life and Confessions (New York: Frank Harris, 1918), Pages 232-233
                                by Frank Harris

                                I have spoken again and again in the course of this narrative of Oscar's enemies, asserting that the English middle-class as puritans detested his attitude and way of life, and if some fanatic or representative of the nonconformist conscience had hunted up evidence against Wilde and brought him to ruin there would have been nothing extraordinary in a vengeance which might have been regarded as a duty. Strange to say the effective hatred of Oscar Wilde was shown by a man of the upper class who was anything but a puritan. It was Mr. Charles Brookfield, I believe, who constituted himself private prosecutor in this case and raked Piccadilly to find witnesses against Oscar Wilde. Mr. Brookfield was afterwards appointed Censor of Plays on the strength apparently of having himself written one of the "riskiest" plays of the period. As I do not know Mr. Brookfield, I will not judge him. But his appointment always seemed to me, even before I knew that he had acted against Wilde, curiously characteristic of English life and of the casual, contemptuous way Englishmen of the governing class regard letters. In the same spirit Lord Salisbury as Prime Minister made a journalist Poet Laureate simply because he had puffed him for years in the columns of The Standard. Lord Salisbury probably neither knew nor cared that Alfred Austin had never written a line that could live. One thing Mr. Brookfield's witnesses established: every offence alleged against Oscar Wilde dated from 1892 or later-—after his first meeting with Lord Alfred Douglas.

                                ----end

                                Montgomery Hyde attributed the following to Seymor Hicks.

                                The Love That Dared Not Speak Its Name (Little, Brown, 1970), Page 153
                                by Harford Montgomery Hyde

                                It is said he [Charles Brookfield] was jealous of Wilde's theatrical success. At all events he was friendly with Queensbury, and probably did more than anyone else to collect evidence against Wilde which he handed over to Douglas's father. Indeed, his zeal in hunting out homosexuals did not stop with Wilde and Taylor and was continued after they went to prison. Eventually his conduct became an embarrassment to the authorities, and it is said that the London Metropolitan Police Commissioner got hold of him and advised him in the interests of his personal safety to 'lay off', pointing out that there were influential homosexuals in high places who resented Brookfield's laudable but misguided endeavours and that if Brookfield were to persist in them his dead body might be found floating in the Thames one morning. Brookfield took the hint; he was subsequently appointed to the post of censor of plays in the Lord Chamberlain's office--a singular piece of irony, since he himself had written one of the 'riskiest' plays of the period.

                                ----end

                                I think I originally saw the Hyde quote here.

                                The Secret Life of Oscar Wilde (Basic Books, 2009), Page 224
                                by Neil McKenna
                                Marvelous material again. I can add some details on Brookfield, and on Alfred Austin (died 1913).

                                Austin is simpler to write of and dismiss. In 1892 Lord Tennyson died and he had been poet laureate since the death of the preceeding one, Williams Wordsworth (who had succeeded Robert Southey). Wordsworth died in 1850, so Tennyson held the post almost half a century. Whild Wordsworth and Tennyson were certainly good choices, one has to recall that their best work rarely did what the Poet Laureate is supposed to do. Even a patriotic poem like Tennyson's "The Charge of the Light Brigade" was not asked for by the Royal Family. The Poet Laureate is supposed to writer uplifting verse celebrating events involving the royal family (births, deaths, coronations, dedications of monuments and buildings, naming ships. It is a great honor but it rarely causes the best poetic works of the day by it's selectee.

                                The choice of a successor for Tennyson befuddled both the Liberal Governments of Gladstone and Lord Rosebury, and the Tory Government of Lord Salisbury. It would be four years (1892 to 1896) before Salisbury chose Austin. Of the three Premiers, Rosebury should have been the one to make the choice, but his Prime Ministership of roughly a year was a mess, and he just wanted to get through and over the entire situation. Gladstone had cared little about modern poetry (he was into the classics), and Salisbury, when he went into intellectual matters, was more into electric and chemical experiments in his home.

                                Also the choices were less clear. The three front runners were Wilde, William Morris, and Rudyard Kipling. Wilde was (to all the three Prime Ministers) to be avoided - even before the Queensbury debacle and trial for sodomy in 1895 his reputation was well known in London society and politics. Morris too was a problem. Although gifted as a versifier, his models (like his small fictional novels) were medieval and hardly fitted modern England. But worse, Morris was an unflinching socialist. He couldn't be chosen for political reasons.

                                Well that left Kipling, and he certainly the bill. Naturally patriotic, with his background of the Barrack Room Ballads like "Gunga Din" and "Soldiers and Sailors Too", he should have been chosen. But Kipling tended to celebrate the common soldier, not the national military brass, and their aristocratic friends. Also he took dim view of women in his poetry ("The Colonel's Lady and Sally O'Grady are sisters, under the skin!"; "The female of the species is more deadly than the male!"). This while there was nearly a decade more of the reign of the current monarch Queen Victoria. Finally there was the celebration of the "cockney" version of English. Most of the Barrack Room verses are in Cockney (or Kipling's version) with dropped or misplaced letters. Ironically, as George Orwell suggested in his essay on Kipling, it spoiled many of his best lines: "Follow me, follow me 'ome!" instead of "home" is Orwell's example (and a good one).

                                Still the post was offered to Kipling, and he turned it down. Kipling probably wanted more freedom for his uses of image, ideas, and expressions than a real Poet Laureate would get. Oddly enough, as he lived to 1936, Kipling would be offered the post twice more (in 1913 when Alfred Austin died - offered by Prime Minister Asquith, and in the 1920s offered by his cousin, Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin.). Again he refused - and his subsequent fame never suffered for that loss.

                                Aside from the big three there were a host of minor poets, most notably Sir Edward Arnold (not to be confused with the great film character actor of the same name) who had written a tedious book length "best selling" religious poem, "The Light of the World". Sir Edward apparently really campaigned for this post, and was politely ignored. A story goes he was at some event with Wilde, and complained, "There is a conspiracy of silence against me, Oscar!!...What should I do, what should I do???" Wilde didn't hesitate: JOIN IT!!!

                                As for Austin, while it is easy to dismiss Harris's comments as based on his admiration for the destroyed Wilde, to be fair Austin wrote some of the worst poetic drivel associated with the office of Poet Laureate in the last one hundred and sixty years. Harris was right - Austin was constantly writing garbage in support of Tory politics and politicians, some of which had traces of his attempts at poetry. When the 1895 Jameson Raid occurred he wrote lines honoring the attempt to rescue English womanhood held in durance vile by the Dutch Boers of Paul Ohm Kruegar (who was probably more concerned about protecting the self-government of the two Boer Republics from rapacious British figures like Cecil Rhodes, Leander Starr Jameson, and their hidden ally in the British cabinet, Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain). He wrote the following couplet (among other, similar lines) to show the speed of the raiders (who were still captured by Boer patrols):

                                "They went across the veldt,
                                As fast as they could pelt!!"

                                For a selection of Austin's lines, check out the old anthology of bad English poetry, "The Stuffed Owl". To be fair Wordsworth and Tennyson and even Edgar Allen Poe and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow are included, but Austin left no living poetry as that quartet did.

                                Brookfield too had an interesting background. The following is from the dramatist, S.N. Behrman's book "Portrait of Max: An Intimate Memoir of Sir Max Beerbohm" (New York: Random House, 1960). Beerbohm is talking about the figures he knew in the late 19th and early 20th Centuries, and he naturally talks a bit about Oscar Wilde. This brings up the matter of Charles Brookfield, and fills in a bit more of the details - on page 85 Beerbohm says the following:

                                "But you know" --Max's eyes darkened with regret, and his brow furrowed -- "as Oscar became more and more successful he became..." Max paused, as if couldn't bear to say it, but he did say it. "He became arrogant. he felt himself omnipotent, and he became gross not in body only - he did become that -- but in his relations with people. He brushed people aside; he felt he was beyond the ordinary human courtesies that you owe people even if they are, in your opinion, beneath you. He snubbed Charles Brookfield, the actor who played the lackey in "An Ideal Husband" -- he was a wonderful, unfailing actor in small parts, and was said to be an illegitimate son of Thackeray, you know -- and Brookfield never forgave him. Brookfield was vindictive; Brookfield hated Oscar, and it was Brookfield who did him in - supplied evidence against him."

                                The suggestion that the novelist William Makepeace Thackeray (1811 - 1863; "Vanity Fair", "Henry Esmond", Pendennis", The Newcomes", "Barry Lyndon") was Brookfield actual father was due to Thackeray being very close to Brookfield's parents, Reverend William Brookfield and Jane Brookfield. Most of Thackeray's biographers have claimed that the relationship between Jane Brookfield and Thackeray was just platonic, but this view has been questioned in recent years - and it has come out that William Brookfield may have beaten his wife on a few occasions.

                                Jeff

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