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no monocle
Hello Stephen. Indeed. But where is the monocle?
Cheers.
LC
Hello Stephen. Indeed. But where is the monocle?
Cheers.
LC
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The PEF's obituary for Conder:
Quarterly Statement (April, 1910), Pages 93-96
by Palestine Exploration Fund
MEMOIR OF COLONEL C. R. CONDER, R.E., LL.D.
Dictionary of National Biography: Second Supplement (London: Smith, Elder &Co., 1912), Volume 1, Pages 401-402
CONDER, CLAUDE REIGNIER (1848-1910)
An report by Conder about that time he took Prince Albert Victor on a tour of Palestine:
Quarterly Statement - Palestine Exploration Fund, October, 1882, Pages 193-234
By Palestine Exploration Fund
TOUR OF THEIR ROYAL HIGHNESSES PRINCES ALBERT VICTOR AND GEORGE OF WALES IN PALESTINE.
Hurlbert and an Egyptian obelisk:
Egyptian Obelisks (London: Nimmo, 1885), Page 2
by Henry Honeychurch Gorringe
NEGOTIATIONS THAT LED TO THE GIFT AND ITS REMOVAL.
The first suggestion looking to the removal of an obelisk from Egypt to the United States was made by His Highness, Ismail, the Khedive of Egypt, at the time of the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, to Mr. William Henry Hurlbert. In September, 1877, after the removal of the prostrate obelisk of Alexandria to England by Mr. John Dixon, Mr. Louis Sterne of London, a friend of Mr. Dixon, being in New York, informed Mr. Hurlbert, then editor of the New York World, that Mr. Dixon, through his relations with Egypt, could secure the gift to the United States of the standing obelisk at Alexandria, and that he would be glad to do this, and to undertake to remove it to New York, if the cost of the operation could be defrayed. Mr. Hurlbert requested Mr. Sterne to open a correspondence on the subject with Mr. Dixon, which resulted in an understanding that Mr. Dixon would secure and bring to America the standing obelisk of Alexandria, if the sum of fifteen thousand pounds sterling could be guaranteed to him. After consulting with Mr. Chauncey M. Depew and Judge Ashbel Green, Mr. Hurlbert put himself in communication with Mr. William H. Vanderbilt, and Mr. Vanderbilt, as the result of a single conversation on the subject, liberally agreed to guarantee the payment of the sum named by Mr. Dixon. This was at once cabled to London by Mr. Hurlbert. A congratulatory reply by cable was received from Mr. Sterne in behalf of Mr. Dixon. But a correspondence followed from which it soon appeared that Mr. Dixon relied upon Mr. Hurlbert to secure the gift of the obelisk through the government of the United States. This materially changed the character of the negotiation; but finding Mr. Vanderbilt most willing to stand by his liberal offer as long as might be necessary to secure the desired result, Mr. Hurlbert consulted Mr. Evarts, then Secretary of State, who cordially agreed to instruct the agents of the State Department to undertake the matter. At the instance of Mr. Evarts, a letter was accordingly written to him as Secretary of State by Mr. Henry G. Stebbins, then Commissioner of Public Parks of New York City, requesting him to open negotiations with the Khedive for securing the standing obelisk of Alexandria for New York City. Mr. Evarts, in a letter dated October 19, 1877, wrote to Consul-General E. E. Farman that, "in view of the public object to be subserved, you are instructed to use all proper means of furthering the wishes expressed in Mr. Stebbins' letter," a copy of which was enclosed. In a letter dated November 24, 1877, Mr. Farman wrote to Mr. Evarts as follows: "I fear, however, that there will be serious opposition to the removal of the obelisk from the city of Alexandria, so much, in fact, that although the Khedive might personally desire to gratify the wishes of the citizens of New York, he would not think it best to grant their request."
Puck (New York), Volume 6, March 17, 1880, Page 20
Puck (New York), November 27, 1878, Page 2
Puckerings
MR. HURLBERT, of the World, has often been advised to Hire a Hall. We are glad to see he has done it.Comment
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Masonry
Hello Trade. Thanks for posting this.
When I read Professor Crofts' book, he could hardly believe that Hurlbert was, at the same time, making arrangements to bring the obelisk to New York AND "forging" "The Diary of a Public Man."
I am slightly embarrassed even to bring up matters Masonic, but they are there. (Coincidentally, I hope!)
Cheers.
LCComment
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For Entertainment Purposes Only
Bathurst Free Press and Mining Journal, 18 May 1892, Page 2
The Windsor Murder
Melbourne, Tuesday
Among the many remarkable features of the Windsor tragedy has been the number of extraordinary epistles that have been indited and addressed to all sorts of persons, from the Governor to the murderer, upon the grim subject. The Chief Commissioner, by the last English mail, was the favored recipient of one of these brilliant effusions. It purported to come from an individual completely in the confidence of the Royal family and all the authorities connected with the leading secret societies in London. He stated that Deeming was the tool of a plot inspired by H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, and assisted by other distinguished personages, to supplant religion throughout the world by freemasonry; also that Deeming was the authorised Australian agent of the conspiracy, and according to the writer has appeared here under various aliases, to wit, Marcus Clarke, George Darrell and Christie Murray; being, moreover, of rare literary talent, such works as "His Natural Life," "The Sunny South." and "Ned's Chum," being ascribed to his authorship. This very imaginative informant further goes on to state that the Prince of Wales has frequently visited Australia under the cognomen of Willig, and that Lord Carrington was a leading and most bloodthirsty member of the Mafia, having been frequently concerned in the secret poisoning of priests and other dignitaries of the church. Then the startling fact is announced that the Princess Louise is the Queen of the Mafia, of which Deeming was one of the most trusted emissaries. He is declared to be 'Jack the Ripper,' and is alleged to have no less a personage than the Prince of Wales as his active associate and accomplice in the atrocities of Whitechapel. The letter is written throughout in the style of printing, with the obvious object of disguising the identity of its writer. The Chief Commissioner is of opinion that the epistle is the product of a lunatic.
[...]Comment
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Deeming
Hello Trade. Thanks for that.
I have always found it interesting that Deeming, in his "confession," was supposed to have done for the last two and was unaware of any other killings.
Cheers.
LCComment
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One born every minute.
Hello All. Here is a link to a Hurlbert letter to PT Barnum. handwriting is almost as bad as mine.
Cheers.
LC
Comment
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Stylometry.
Hello All. Here's another link--this time the chap who figured out that WHH wrote "The Diary of a Public Man."
Anyone know much about stylometry? Sounds interesting.
Cheers.
LCComment
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H. M. Hyndman
Hurlbert was acquainted with the English socialist Henry Mayers Hyndman.
The Record of an Adventurous Life (London: Macmillan, 1911), link
by H. M. Hyndman
Pages 212-215
On coming back from the West, where I had a few exciting and rather exceptional experiences, I met my wife in the delightful city of Buffalo at the house of, some friends, who had treated her with a hospitality and kindness remarkable even in hospitable America. Crossing over from Buffalo to Toronto we went down the St. Lawrence in magnificent weather, which made this little voyage through the Rapids and the thousand islands one of the finest trips in the world, sited Niagara, Montreal, Boston, Harvard University, and so back to New York. There we met, thanks to kind introductions, some of the ablest Americans of the day ; and William Henry Hurlbert, one of the most brilliant men I ever encountered, who came later to so sad a downfall, was specially hospitable. It was at a dinner given by him at Sherry's that I met Messrs. Evarts, George William Curtis, Thormlyke Rice, editor of the North American Magazine, for which I was then writing, Captain Gorringe, who brought over the obelisk to New York, and others, including Archibald Forbes, the famous war correspondent, whom I then saw for the first time.
It was a most delightful gathering to begin with, and ought to have been so throughout But Forbes thought proper to make a remark about American sailors which was a gross insult to every American present, and particularly to Gorringe. What was worse, he repeated it, in still more offensive shape. I never admired men more than I did the Americans at that table. Their behaviour was quite perfect. The other Englishman who was there, Mr. Dudley Ryder, and myself did our utmost to remove the effect produced by Forbes' brutality, by pretending that his words had no meaning ; but the man who saved the situation for us all by his tact and firmness was our host. To this day I don't quite know how he did it, but he performed the marvellous feat of completely shutting up Forbes, pacifying Gorringe, and restoring the general good feeling. I have witnessed several unpleasant scenes, notably one at Venice between George Augustus Sala and George Meredith, but I never felt quite so much humiliated and inclined to crawl away under the table as I did on this occasion. Most of us walked up to a club together after dinner, without Forbes, and one of the Americans said in talking the matter over, "That is the sort of man we did not know you bred over on the other side. We have not a few of them here, unfortunately," which I thought was a nice way of putting it.
Hurlbert was the first man to point out to me what he believed to be the inevitable tendency of his country towards aggression and Imperialism, a tendency which, I think, very few detected more than thirty years ago. He was of a Southern family, but he had been educated at Harvard, knew Europe well, and was one of the few Americans I ever met who spoke French perfectly. Talking to me about the future of the United States, long before Mr. James Blaine formulated his policy of combining the various American Republics, he said : " You will see that as this Republic becomes more wealthy and more powerful she will spread herself out, not only commercially but militarily. The old ideas of non-interference will rapidly fade away, and the necessities for new markets, combined with a desire to make themselves felt, will influence both rich and poor Americans in their external policy. We shall sooner or later go South and East, and our vast industrial and agricultural resources will be turned to the purposes of war. That will in its turn break down democracy, for the time being at any rate, and it would not in the least surprise me if we were to develop into Caesarism in course of time. There are all the makings here of a new and formidable aggressive power, while the obstacles to such a development are neither strong nor numerous. The very fact that we are not prepared for war, as you justly say we are not, will make us the more dangerous. A reverse or two to start with would rouse the whole nation, and then our inexhaustible resources would be drawn upon to the last ounce in order to win." His predictions have been fulfilled to a much greater extent already than I thought possible at the time, and we are obviously only at the beginning of the movement. Theodore Roosevelt represents the average American's ideas far more accurately than it is pleasant to contemplate for the sake of the United States and the world at large.
Page 218-219
William Henry Hurlbert, whom I saw so much of in America from time to time, and with whom we became intimate in England, was unquestionably one of the most interesting, well-informed, and brilliant Americans it has ever been my good fortune to meet. He had also nothing of what we are accustomed to entitle the American accent no nasal intonation and no special prominence given to small and unimportant words. Though he was editor of the World, his faculties as a journalist and man of letters were not those which to the world at large seemed most important. Yet I myself saw him perform a literary tour de force which I consider one of the most remarkable I ever remember. An ode of Victor Hugo's had just appeared in France and arrived in New York by the mail on Saturday morning. It was a long ode with many variations of rhythm and metre. Hurlbert took it and translated it into excellent English verse, which followed for most part the changes of the French, in time for it to appear in the World Sunday edition. I congratulated him warmly on this extraordinary performance, but he did not appear to think very much of it himself. There was one trait of Hurlbert's which always surprised me. Although a Southerner and a Democrat and a man whom the Republicans specially detested for having been a "Mugwump" during the Civil War, he contrived to keep on excellent terms with the Republican leaders, though they declared he was a very unscrupulous man. It was, indeed, through Hurlbert I got to know several of them, as well as General Hancock and other foremost men of the Democrats.
Page 221
Hurlbert's end was almost as sad as Oscar Wilde's. Call no man happy till his death. With all his brilliancy, his cynical view of his fellow-humans, and his profound knowledge of the world, he allowed himself, when already almost an old man, having married a most agreeable Catholic wife, to be dragged into a wretched intrigue which led to an ugly case, and the story of "Wilfred Murray" drove him into retirement until his death. We speak of people as we find them, and having always been on friendly terms with W. H. Hurlbert I greatly regretted his misfortunes, however much they may have been his own fault.Comment
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Hurlbert and Sala Mention Hyndman
Ireland under Coercion (Edinburgh: Douglas, 1888), Volume 2, Pages 1-2
by William Henry Hurlbert
Rossbehy, Feb. 21.—We are here on the eve of battle! An "eviction" is to be made to-morrow on the Glenbehy estate of Mr. Winn, an uncle of Lord Headley, so upon the invitation of Colonel Turner, who has come to see that all is done decently and in order, I left Ennis with him at 7.40 A.M. for Limerick; the "city of the Liberator" for "the city of the Broken Treaty." There we breakfasted at the Artillery Barracks.
The officers showed us there the new twelve-pounder gun with its elaborately scientific machinery, its Scotch sight, and its four-mile range. I compared notes about the Trafalgar Square riots of February 1886 with an Irish officer who happened to have been on the opposite side of Pall Mall from me at the moment when the mob, getting out of the hand of my socialistic friend Mr. Hyndman, and advancing towards St. James' Street and Piccadilly was broken by a skilful and very spirited charge of the police. He gave a most humorous account of his own sensations when he first came into contact with the multitude after emerging from St. Paul's, where, as he put it, he had left the people "all singing away like devils." But I found he quite agreed with me in thinking that there was a visible nucleus of something like military organisation in the mob of that day, which was overborne and, as it were, smothered by the mere mob element before it came to trying conclusions with the police.
The Life and Adventures of George Augustus Sala (New York: Scribners, 1896), Volume 2, Page 68
by George Augustus Sala
In 1866, Mr. Hyndman was about as brilliant a young gentleman as I have ever met with; an Oxonian, a noted cricketer, somewhat given to sporting, full of life and gaiety, a ripe scholar, and some hopes of being able, at no distant period, to formulate a Universal Theorem; and, finally, a staunch Tory. I very rarely see him now. I am told that he is the same Mr. Henry Hyndman who has achieved considerable notoriety as a Social Democrat, and mixes himself up with people whom persons of culture would, I should say, be as a rule somewhat chary of associating with. But stay; Mr. William Morris, decorator, poet, and translator of the Odyssey, is likewise, I am told, a Social Democrat; and I must not talk politics. I have long ceased to have any of my own. But whether my old friend Henry M. Hyndman be a Conservative or a Radical, a Legitimist, an Imperialist, or a Bonapartist, a Know-nothing, a Copper-head, a Protectionist, a Free-trader, a Young Czech, or an Old Czech, a Clerical or a Liberal, a Chauvinist or an Anti-Semite, I am convinComment
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Hyndman
Hello Trade. Thanks for posting this. Hyndman was quite a character in his own right and was a major reason for Morris disengaging and founding the SL.
Cheers.
LCComment
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Sala
Hello Trade. Thanks for the Sala material. He and Hulbert were rather close friends at one time.
Cheers.
LCComment
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Excerpt from an article which mentions Hyndman and also the Whitechapel anarchists. Could Hyndman have been considered "notorious and unpopular"?
New Outlook, Volume 45, May 21, 1892, Page 979
The Anarchist Outbreak
An English View
By William Clarke
I was coming out of a newspaper office a few months ago, when I ran against Mr. Hyndman, the leader of the Social Democratic Federation. "I am going," said he,"to the'__ ___'office, to talk with the editor about the suppression of our meetings in Chelsea, and to try and raise a protest. Mark me, if our peaceful Socialist propaganda is broken up, you will have Anarchist deeds of violence before long. I know what I am talking about." And on to the office of the paper in question hurried this able, honest, though cantankerous leader of the extreme Socialist movement. Those who have read the accounts of the Walsall Anarchists and of the more recent arrest of the writers on the Anarchist paper, "Commonweal," may be inclined to think there is some truth in what Mr. Hyndman said. And those who note the Anarchist scare nearly all over Europe at the present time will be certain that Mr. Hyndman's general principle is right, and that where the full discussion of Socialism by the working classes is forbidden or abridged, there Anarchist violence will rear its head.
What amount of Anarchism is there really in England? It is not easy to say. A correspondent of one of the Paris papers, some two or three years ago, sent over from London quite an alarmist letter, setting forth that Anarchism was progressing by leaps and bounds among the London masses, and that the authorities were a good deal frightened. And when the Walsall conspiracy was made known, it was stated, or hinted, that the little Socialist club in Walsall, to which the conspirators belonged, was the center of quite an extensive movement, having its ramifications all over this and other countries.
I believe, after having obtained considerable knowledge and experience, that there is very little Anarchism in England outside a limited foreign circle. And, in fact, even among professed Anarchists like Prince Krapotkin, whom I have heard many times and with whom I have had occasional conversations, I have not found any disposition to advocate violence in a country such as this, where freedom of speech and publication is in the main an undoubted fact. Krapotkin would not hesitate to use any means in Russia, perhaps even in Germany, so long as he believed the means were effectual. The problem with him would be one, not of morals, but of strategy; and the same is true of that kind-hearted, half-crazy woman, Louise Michel. Now and then the latter has used language capable of being constructed into an incitement to violence here, but, on the whole, Kraptokin and Louise Michel have respected the as)lum conceded to them on these shores. And Krapotkin himself, though a fanatic, is too good and too intellectual a man to believe very fervently in the " propaganda of deed." I have, indeed, observed how almost invariably the Anarchists are particularly tender, kindly people. It is said that Ravachol is such. So are Krapotkin and Louise Michel. So is the misguided young "crank" whose ravings in the "Commonweal" have resulted in his arrest. He called upon me some time ago, and I think I never met a more soft, gentle creature in my life. The fact is that the Anarchist is very often, in many respects, far better than the average human standard about him. His fault is often that he expects too much of mankind; and, brooding over human misery as he knows it only too well in these huge modern cities, he cannot endure the thought that justice and light should be any longer violated. There is a little Anarchist club close by the scene of one of the Whitechapel murders. I never met a milder, more goodnatured set of young men than I have seen there; and yet, when the propaganda was to be carried on, these human doves would instantly be converted into vultures, would pass through their paroxysm of rage, and then sink back into the dove-like state once more.
[...]Comment
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questions
Hello Trade. Thanks for posting that.
I wonder if the author were clear on the distinction of:
1. Hyndman and parliamentary Socialism.
2. Morris and main stream Socialism.
3. Anarchism.
4. Anarchism which accepted "propaganda of the deed"?
It seems to me that it was Sir Walter Besant who had made the remark to Leland about Hurlbert's tete-a-tete with the unsavoury character. Of course, this raises the question of Besant's acquaintance with Hyndman. Unfortunately, I have no knowledge there. Of course, Besant's sister may have met him through her work.
I would also be curious about why Hurlbert would wish to meet with Hyndman.
Thanks again.
Cheers.
LCComment
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Hyndman said in his memoir he and Hurlbert "became intimate in England." Not sure why they would have become friendly with one another.
A bit from the American Liberty about Hyndman and the Anarchists:
Liberty, Volume 4, November 20, 1886, Page 1
In a late number of Liberty H. M. Hyndman was rebuked for confounding the teachings of Liberty with those of Most and Schwab. Now his paper, the London "Justice," in commenting upon a recent article in Liberty, says: "Evidently the Liberty and Property Defence League, the Manchester school of economists, and the Anarchists are one and the same." This indicates advancing intelligence. Most and Schwab are much nearer to Hyndman than to Liberty, and Anarchism is much nearer to the Manchester men than to Most and Schwab. In principle, that is. Liberty's aim — universal happiness— is that of all Socialists, in contrast with that of the Manchester men —luxury fed by misery. But its principle — individual sovereignty— is that of the Manchester men, in contrast with that of the Socialists — individual subordination.
But individual sovereignty, when logically carried out, leads, not to luxury fed by misery, but to comfort for all industrious persons and death for all idle ones.Comment
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Hyndman
Hello Trade. Thanks for that. I think Hurlbert had a brief flirtation with radical ideas.
Hyndman was a parliamentary socialist and that was what drove Morris out of the SDL and to form the SL. But the Anarchists were the extreme to the other side of Morris. So I don't know what to make of the rest of their observations.
Cheers.
LCComment
Comment